Unlike Michigan, all the names will be on the ballot. And Camp Clinton is driving "an odd but intense competition over not just votes but, perhaps more significant, how to interpret the results of today's Democratic primary -- which will reward precisely zero delegates," Mark Z. Barabak writes in the Los Angeles Times.
Sen. Clinton comes to Davie, Fla., on Tuesday, though appearing in public only AFTER the polls close (taking that pledge seriously -- sort of). They're not Kennedys, but she nabbed the endorsement of two big Florida Democratic names: Sen. Bill Nelson, D-Fla., and former attorney general Janet Reno, per Michael C. Bender of the Palm Beach Post.
Obama won't be anywhere near Florida: He's hitting El Dorado, Kansas, in a "visit to his grandfather's home town [that] is part of a broad and unorthodox strategy to build support in Republican-dominated states," Peter Slevin writes in The Washington Post.
"In Kansas and Idaho, Utah and Alaska, Obama's goal is to win delegates on Feb. 5 and to convince voters that he can compete where Democrats normally cannot."
ABC's Karen Travers and Talal Al-Khatib have details on what to watch for in Florida -- along with the candidates' schedules -- in The Note's "Sneak Peek."
Why ever might Clinton look for something else to talk about? There's the crushing defeat in South Carolina. There's the rebuke Bill is getting from the party establishment (and toss in Al Sharpton's advice for good measure).
And then there are the pictures from Monday that no campaign could have purchased -- a rousing rally with special guests at American University, with a State of the Union cherry placed on top, frosting Clinton's smile into place.
Sen. Ted Kennedy, D-Mass., knows how to make a dramatic gesture -- and he showed the political world that he still knows how to deliver a heck of a speech when he thinks the time is right.
The time, he declared, was now, and the man was Sen. Barack Obama. "I feel change in the air," Kennedy told a turn-away crowd of more than 4,000 at American University.
"For Obama, the embrace of his party's most famous family marked a crucial moment of acceptance," Susan Milligan and Scott Helman write in The Boston Globe.
"And while the Kennedy name will carry clout in many states voting next Tuesday, the senator's endorsement also brought the self-styled outsider into the inner circle of the liberal establishment. . . . The Kennedy stamp of approval helps Obama with what has been his biggest vulnerability: a worry among Democrats that he can't win."
Kennedy left little doubt as to his disappointment with the Clintons. These phrases don't get plopped into a speech like this by accident: the "old politics of race against race," the "old politics of misrepresentation and distortion," the "truth" of Obama's steadfast anti-war position.
"He might as well have called her a 'has-been' -- a legacy of 1990s-style politics that rewards distortion, cynicism, self-aggrandizement and even failure," AP's Ron Fournier writes. "Because that must be what Kennedy believes; there is no other way to interpret the clues tucked between the lines of his address."