And I think the two trends of the next decade will often, for those of us in the West, look like contradictions. One will be this burst of demand for political participation and justice and the end of corruption, but also the use of Islam.
And it's -- I'm not sure it's always scary. I think that we have seen the emergence of a whole new political spectrum which, among Islamist parties, that you have groups -- the Salafis, who are the ones to worry about...
AMANPOUR: The hardline ones?
WRIGHT: The hardline ones, who follow the ideology of Saudi Arabia, and all lot of -- a whole lot of others, who are various places on the spectrum, have renounced violence, understand that they have to not only learn how to pick up the garbage but create jobs, and that they're -- this will be the...
AMANPOUR: Which is why the Muslim Brotherhood is doing well, because they had been picking up the garbage and delivering social services. So again, Richard, what does this mean for the United States, given that presumably America wants the voice of the people to be heard?
HAASS: Way too soon, because we're still going to be working it out right then. I think we're going to have disagreements about democracy, again, the same fundamental issues.
We have disagreements about approaches to Israel, because as the public voice becomes much more pronounced in this part of the world, likely to be quite anti-Israeli, we'll probably have some disagreements about working against terrorism. The old guard was a real partner. These guys aren't.
Also, we're going to want to give help to them, but only on certain conditions. We will give you economic help if only you do certain things. We will give you political help and democratic assistance, but only if you do certain things. And I think working that out is going to be a real source of friction.
WRIGHT: When it comes to Israel, I -- the interesting thing is that the majority of Arabs don't want another war, but they do want, in the case of the Muslim Brotherhood, changes to the current Camp David treaty. The Salafis don't want the treaty at all, so that's where the danger lies.
But a lot of the dynamics, I think, are going to be changed in terms of their dealings with the outside world. And we're going to have a hard time, of course, because these are societies that don't want to be tainted by us or new governments that are not going to take aid on our terms.
And we're going to be wanting, not -- I think many people in Congress particularly are not going to be wanting to give aid to what look like to them Islamic governments.
AMANPOUR: Let's shift to Iran -- because that is still going to be -- I presume -- do you agree, Richard, a big issue for the U.S. administration?
HAASS: Absolutely. Iran has the potential to be the dominant foreign policy issue of 2012.
AMANPOUR: But we've heard President Obama throughout his administration -- once it was clear diplomacy was not going to go the way he intended, talk about an unacceptable situation of a nuclear Iran.
And that language has somewhat abated, using all means and all powers of the U.S. to prevent a nuclear Iran has shifted to now we're going to try to prevent, we're going to isolate. Is there a tacit policy shift that's happening?