WILL: Leave aside the anger. Look at the structural problems the Democrats have. Americans prefer divided government. They've produced it 38 of the last 60 years. One party holds the executive branch; the other holds at least part of the legislative branch. Second, in off-year elections, the electorate is going to be smaller. It's going to be smaller this year in part because the youth and the minority votes energized by the Obama candidacy won't be there, so it's going to be smaller, whiter, and more conservative. So there are all of these structural problems that the Democrats face.
ZERNIKE: I think Arianna is right, the Tea Party is really more a state of mind than a movement, and I think it's sort of -- people may not identify themselves as Tea Party members, but they're supporting -- it is (inaudible), they are supporting that view, they're supporting that viewpoint, they're looking for change.
WILL: Let's define a wave elections is normally understood as an election in which 20 seats at least in the House go one way or the other. This is a wave election following two consecutive wave elections, in which the Republicans now start this year from an unnatural bottom, which again gives them...
KARL: It will certainly go 20, 25, 30, maybe 35 seats. But I've got to say, though, I think that there is some premature statements here that the House is won for Republicans. If you go state by state in these races, it's very hard to pick which the Republicans are going to win once you get above 35, how are they going to get to their majority. Now, they may do it. The national trends are all horrific for Democrats, but this is not done yet.
HUFFINGTON: Well, that's really the point. The national trends between now and November are going to be really bad for Democrats. Next week, we have the census numbers that show the poverty rate going to 15 percent. Now, these are the numbers we had in the '60s, when we launched the war on poverty. We have unprecedented foreclosures, car repossessions. We have what's happened in California. It's not insignificant, the fire that shows where our infrastructure is. You know, it sounds like "Third World America," but it is like that...
AMANPOUR: It certainly -- it's remarkable...
HUFFINGTON: You have electric pipes that have not been repaired and people are dying.
AMANPOUR: And what I find kind of extraordinary is what apparently seems to be according to economists and all the experts, real ways of spurring not just the economy but trying to address unemployment and making long-term infrastructure payments and efforts, but seem not to be politically tenable. So there seems to be war, if you like, between what's good for the health of the economy and what's good for political health.
WILL: The president proposed a $50 billion infrastructure bank. That's over six years. That's $8.3 billion a year in a $14 trillion economy. It's trivial.
KARL: And notice that Austan Goolsbee in your interview did not go there when you asked him how many jobs are going to be created. I mean, the stimulus, it was all about 1.3 million saved or created. They're not even trying that this time.