WILL: And in the G-8, Germany lives large. And Germany and the United States have different national memories. The great economic trauma of the United States is the deflationary episode of the 1930s, the Depression. For Germany, the national memory is the inflation of the 1920s that destroyed the republic and brought on Hitler. Furthermore, the Europeans are not in that big mood to be lectured by us. They say, where did this crisis start? Oh, that's right, it was in the United States. Whose central bank kept interest rates at a bubble producing low for too long? Whose social policy encouraged an unreasonably high home ownership in the United States? And by the way, whose stimulus has by its own criterion, failed?
TAPPER: Now Robin, one of the things that the White House says is look at the growth rates. Germany, less than 1 percent. Europe, as a whole, about 1 percent. The U.S., 2.7 percent. How can they lecture us or disagree with us when our way is winning?
WRIGHT: Well, look, I think the stakes in Canada are really that two years ago, or the last two years, you have seen the international community respond, or the major economies respond as one voice. They've followed the same kind of pattern. For now, they're beginning to differ. And the danger is recovery is a lot about psychology. And if there's a sense of uncertainty, there's a danger that people don't know which way things are going to go. And the U.S. keeps arguing, look, if you don't keep stimulus, you're not likely to generate whether it's new jobs or and if you retrench too far, then that affects the sense of recovery, that you have to cut back, and that hurts the economies across the board. So there's real danger that the uncertainty generated out of Canada is going to begin to play against that sense -- the kind of momentum they've created.
SANGER: And the president's also in the position in Canada of saying, don't do as I do, do as I say. I mean, just the day before he left, Congress could not come to an agreement on a very small extension of unemployment benefits, the most basic stimulus effort that the president tried to push.
TAPPER: 1.2 million Americans are going to lose their unemployment benefit extensions -- or unemployment benefits this week.
SANGER: That's right. So there's a fundamental stimulus action and the president had to go up and tell the Europeans they weren't doing enough for stimulus.
TAPPER: George, why can't they pass this unemployment extension? I don't understand. The Republicans say spending cuts should pay for this, the Democrats know it's emergency spending. It seems like this is something where there could be a compromise.
WILL: Well, partly because they believe that when you subsidize something, you get more of it. And we're subsidizing unemployment, that is the long-term unemployment, those unemployed more than six months, is it at an all-time high and they do not think it's stimulative because what stimulates is the consumer and savers' sense of permanent income. And everyone knows that unemployment benefits are not permanent income.
TAPPER: Rajiv, I'm going to let you have the last word, we only have a minute left.