HUFFINGTON: But there were many symbolic things why his election was important. He's a manifestation of the mistrust of both political parties. He ran as an outsider. He ran as a Scott Brown Republican, as he told you. Of course, that's selfish. He's already morphing into a conscious politician and both in his answer to health care and his answer to Don't Ask/Don't Tell, when he wouldn't tell you which way he would go. So what is fascinating is to see really how much distrust there is, the president called it the deficit of trust in his State of Union. And he really capitalized on that. And now when he comes to Washington, let's see how quickly he becomes an insider. This happened to Obama. Remember he was a fresh face who was going to change things and the special interests have won, at least for round one.
KRUGMAN: Can I say just one more thing? Voters still think they're voting for individuals. They voted for Scott Brown because they felt they liked Scott Brown, but in fact, they're voting for parties. The only thing that matters about a candidate right now is whether it's a "D" or an "R" after his or her name. But voters haven't caught onto that. And that's part of what just happened.
WALTERS: That's why he's also saying, "I'm a Scott Brown Republican."
KRUGMAN: But he is, he's a Republican Republican.
AILES: That's partly true, but I think people are misinterpreting elections, I think President Obama misinterpreted his election. I think people could misinterpret this election, conservatives getting too excited about this guy being with them and I doubt he's really a moderate. People tend to misinterpret elections. The president brought that radical change to the United States as to what it was about, and it was actually about we're tired of watching George Bush on television for eight years. He hasn't gotten the positive article in seven years and we've got two wars on, it's time to fix it and I think that Obama ran very carefully against George Bush and the beach was already softened up in those old World War II movies that the Navy goes in and softens up the beach and then somebody comes along and lands.
So I think that we tend to overinterpret these things. I think he's a very soft-spoken, interesting guy. Let's see what he does.
WILL: Let me respond a bit to Paul's disapproval of the 60-vote supermajority. The Republicans didn't invent it. The Democrats have used it with great vigor, and will probably want to do so again when the Republicans control the Senate.
Yes, the Senate is different from the House. The founders planned it that way.
I know of nothing, Paul, that the American people have wanted intensely and protractedly that they didn't eventually get. What the Senate does is slow things down, and we have more to fear from government haste than from government tardiness.
KRUGMAN: Well, I would say if you look at the charts, it's just not true. The filibuster has vastly increased in importance. It was not always thus. What you think of as a time immemorial institution is actually something that came into existence only in the last 15 years or so. And it was never as intense as it is now.
WILL: It came into existence in the '90s.