One of the most high profile of those has been his effort to secure federal support for a high speed rail link that would connect Orlando to Lakeland and Tampa. Mica helped push legislation for the 110-mile-per hour fast train through congress in 2008. Last month, he said Florida was one of four finalists to get millions in funding for the pioneering project. (The Federal Railroad administration disputed that, saying there is no short list yet. They are currently considering requests from 24 states seeking a combined $50 billion.)
Forms submitted by PBS&J lobbyists last year indicate the company has pursued the rail project both with members of the House Transportation Committee and congressional representatives from Florida to discuss, though it does not identify which members they contacted.
A spokeswoman for PBS&J said there is no connection between the company's lobbying and whatever work it may have offered Rep. Mica's daughter.
The company has had its share of tough publicity in recent months, however, related to its efforts to attract business from government officials in Washington and elsewhere.
First came a $36 million embezzlement scandal, which led to the conviction of three ex-employees. That led to the discovery of a practice within the company of reimbursing employees for campaign contributions, which is illegal. In September, FEC staff recommended a stiff fine over the alleged use of so-called "straw donors."
But Republican appointees on the FEC declined to pursue the matter, because they said the contributions took place too far in the past. Company officials expressed satisfaction with the decision, telling reporters at the time that they cooperated fully, and were pleased to have the matter formally closed.
Then, last week came reports of end-of-year filings in which PBS&J informed the Justice Department and federal securities regulators that it was investigating possible crimes involving its overseas construction projects.
The company's chief financial officer wrote in an SEC filing that the company was investigating to see whether any of its employees had violated the Foreign Corrupt Practices Act "in connection with certain projects undertaken by PBS&J International Inc., one of the company's subsidiaries, in certain foreign countries." The Foreign Corrupt Practices Act generally prohibits U.S.-based companies from making improper payments to foreign officials, usually through bribes. PBS&J has done engineering and construction work around the world.
None of those cases involved Rep. Mica, who came to office in 1992 after founding several successful business ventures, including those in real estate, communications, international trade consulting and governmental affairs.
In 2007, Mica's name surfaced in a 151-page investigation called "A Family Affair" by the group Citzens for Responsibility and Ethics in Washington, which found that the congressman was one of 64 house members who had made payments to family members for consulting work on their campaigns. He paid D'Anne $1,000 during his 2002 reelection bid.
PBS&J is not the only client with business before Rep. Mica's committee that D'Anne Mica had listed as a client. She was also hired to promote the Orlando Sanford International Airport.
Roberts said D'Anne's work for the airport involved promoting the airport in states outside of Florida, and had nothing to do with any congressional action taken by the congressman.