'This Week' Transcript: Rep. Mike Rogers, Rep. Dutch Ruppersberger, and Rep. Jan Schakowsky

However, I think it's wrong to blame the FBI in 2011. At the end of the day, they finished this investigation, found no derogatory. They did the digital footprint search, couldn't find anything. And then they asked the Russians, hey, will you help us, is there more to this that we missed, nothing.


GOLDBERG: Far be it for a journalist to excuse the behavior of a government, but you know you have hundreds of thousands of people on these watch lists. And you don't have the law -- even if the law enforcement agencies have the constitutional power to investigate the way some people want, these suspicions, you don't have the personnel. You can't -- you can't watch 740,000 people, I think that's what's on the TIDE list.

RADDATZ: And you're not really watching that area.

STEPHANOPOULOS: Well, then I want to wrap this up by following up on the issue you raised just a minute ago, if the problem is self-radicalization here at home, it is relatively easy to do. What we do about it?

GOLDMAN: Well, this is where the Muslim community has to come into play. You know, we've seen in a lot of cases where it's moderates in the Muslim community who have told law enforcement about radicals in their midst. And you know, you have this brightly-lit pathway on internet toward radicalization for a young, disaffected, alienated Muslim male. There has to be a counterpathway that -- you know, and this is not something that the United States can do. This is not something that a western power can do. This is an issue that's deeply embedded in the civilization struggle within Islam. And it's not something that the committee can fix.

STEPHANOPOULOS: And another version of see something, say something.

OK, thank you all very much. Fantastic discussion.

STEPHANOPOULOS: Roundtable up next. And we're going to have the best jokes from the White House Correspondent's dinner. First, a look back at what happens when the commander in chief plays comedian.


RONALD REAGAN, 40TH PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES: I have been criticized for going over the heads of Congress, but what is the fuss, a lot of things go over their heads.

BILL CLINTON, 42ND PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES: And remember, if you really want a friend in this town, get yourself a dog. I wished somebody told me before I showed up with a neutered cat.

GEORGE W. BUSH, 43RD PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES: Here it comes, nuclear proliferation -- nucear proliberation.

BARACK OBAMA, PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES: Tonight, I want to speak from the heart, I'm going to speak off the cuff.

Good evening. Pause for laughter. Wait a minute.




JIMMY CARTER, 39TH PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES: I'm filled with admiration for you and deep attitude for you for the deep contributions you have made to the most needy people on earth.

CLINTON: I seriously considered calling you and asking you to do a portrait of me, those bathroom sketches were wonderful, but at my age, I think I should keep my suit.

GEORGE H.W. BUSH, 41ST PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES: We're glad to be here. God bless America and thank you very much.

GEORGE W. BUSH: Good job.

GEORGE H.W. BUSH: Too long?

OBAMA: And what I know is true about President Bush, and I hope my successor will say about me, is that we love this country and we do our best.

GEORGE W. BUSH: Whatever challenges come before us, I will always believe our nation's best days lie ahead. God bless.


STEPHANOPOULOS: All of the living presidents joining opening of the Bush Library. He's given everyone a chance to reassess the Bush legacy this week. We're going to debate that in a little bit on our roundtable.

Let me introduce everybody right now. Joined by George Will as always, Democratic strategist Donna Brazile, former House Speaker Newt Gingrich, the outgoing mayor of Los Angeles Antonio Villaraigosa and ABC's Matthew Dowd.

And I do want to get to that in a little bit, George, but let me begin with what was happening all week long at the nation's airports. There are a long lines -- and as we learn the sequester had started to kick in, air traffic controllers started to be furloughed, created a debate on the floor of the House over how to fix it.


REP. JOHN MICA, (R) FLORIDA: We're here because of a colossal failure of leadership and the ability to manage resources.

PELOSI: How can we sit there and say four million Meals-on-Wheels for seniors, gone. But that's not important.


STEPHANOPOULOS: George the president and Democrats insisted that there had to be a comprehensive solution to lift the sequester. But boy you saw Congress act in close to record speed. The furloughs hit at the beginning of the week. By Friday night a fix had been passed so the air traffic controllers could come back.

GEORGE WILL, JOURNALIST: The comedian Lily Tomlin has a character, the bag lady. She says, no matter how cynical you get, you can't keep up. Look what happened this week. Two million Americans fly every day. So you can, in a very few days, you've got a real constituency of the irritated out there. But more important 535 members of Congress fly regularly. And this was going to inconvenience them, which was unthinkable.

So the FAA having said this was all necessary because the sequester required it to live on the amount of money it had in 2010, now it was chaos to live on 2010 appropriations. Some whistleblowers within the FAA began sending out emails saying they were instructed that this had to be as painful as possible, on the theory, that if the government annoys Americans enough, Americans will say we should give the government more money. I don't follow the reasoning there.

But the long and the short of this is George, the sequester is now going to be here for a very long time. Because they're going to find ways to make it administered more rationally.

STEPHANOPOULOS: That means it will be a Swiss cheese sequester doesn't it Donna?

DONNA BRAZILE, POLITICAL ANALYST: Absolutely George, but this sequester will have real impact on real people in real time. Not just members of Congress but people who work for the Park Service, medical research at the NIH began to make those cuts. It's impacted Meals-on-Wheels, kids who are in kindergarten.

So I really do think the Congress needs to take a second look at this. Otherwise, every month we will be faced with another crisis.

STEPHANOPOULOS: It seems like Mr. Speaker that the incentive is that it's been set up to have these rifle shot fixes going forward. That whenever something seems politically perilous, we'll go in and fix that one by one.

NEWT GINGRICH, FORMER SPEAKER OF THE HOUSE: This was a real victory for fiscal conservatism. They didn't give the money back. What they said is, here's another pot of money that doesn't affect people nearly as much, we're going to cut exactly the same amount, but we're not going to do it stupidly.

You had the Attorney General announcing that not a single one of its 60,000 employees would be furloughed. Not a single one. You had the Secretary of Transportation announcing that he had to cause the maximum pain possible. Now the average American looked up and said this is just stupid management. And I think what you'll see is a rolling series of fixes, none of which back off on the total amount of the sequester. But make more sense out of how to save the money --

STEPHANOPOULOS: Doesn't that mean that the politically weakest are going to bear the biggest burden?

BRAZILE: Of course.

GINGRICH: Not necessarily. It may mean that the most corrupt are going to bear the biggest burden. I mean the dumbest are going to bear the biggest burden. When you look at a $4 trillion government, you can find lots of really stupid things to quit paying for.

STEPHANOPOULOS: So Mayor he calls it a victory for fiscal conservatism.

ANTONIO VILLARAIGOSA, MAYOR, LOS ANGELES: I don't think so. I think it's a colossal failure in leadership like Mica said. It really is. We've had to balance budgets and deal with structural deficits in our city and in cities all across the country. We've done in a balanced way. You don't have to completely eviscerate services. You can make the efficiencies and find the savings that you need. And that's what the government needs to do here.

I mean the problem with the Congress is they're both so fixated on ideology and orthodoxy that they can't work together. So I do think for most of us, we look at them, and we way, what plant are they from? Why can't they work together? Why can't they fix what's broken?

STEPHANOPOULOS: Well they did work together here? A little overwhelming.

MATTHEW DOWD, POLITICAL ANALYST, ABC NEWS: That to me is the most amazing thing. We constantly ask for bipartisanship out of this Congress and this administration. And the only way they're bipartisan is to do something for themselves. It's amazing the speed at which they did that.

We have this horrible shooting where all these children die in Connecticut, we can't pass gun control legislation. But oh by the way, you're about to get delayed at the airport through some small budget cuts which I still don't understand why we make policy the way we make policy.

Everybody knows there's a fiscal crisis in this country. Everybody knows we don't have the revenue to meet the expenses in this country. Somebody has to bear pain. But we act in Washington like nobody has to bear any pain. So as soon as somebody bears pain, we're going to take it back from them. That's fundamentally the problem.

WILL: And George you asked the question, isn't it the case that in a showdown like this, the articulate, the well-organized, the affluent, the complaining middleclass benefits of course. Big government is always the servant of the strong enough to organize and make its levers work.

The two million people who fly every day are disproportionately middle class and upper middle class. They know how to complain, they know how to organize and they know how to contact their Congressman.

STEPHANOPOULOS: And the long-term unemployed are going to see their benefits checks cut.

BRAZILE: By 11 percent. Those on Medicare will see their benefits reduced. And of course this is going to have a real impact on GDP and job growth.

STEPHANOPOULOS: Let's talk about the broader questions about the president's agenda and the congressional agenda going forward. Especially in the wake of the Boston Marathon Bombings. There were some suggestions early on after the bombings, that perhaps Immigration Reform should be slowed down. Dan Coats on this program last week.

Paul Ryan pushed back on that notion this week.


REP. PAUL RYAN, R-WIS.: We have a broken immigration system. And if anything, what we see in Washington is that we have to fix and modernize our immigration system for lots of reasons. National security reasons, economic security reasons. For all those reasons we need to fix our broken immigration system.


STEPHANOPOULOS: Mr. Speaker what is going on here? You've seen the Gang of Eight in the Senate build up some momentum for Comprehensive Immigration Reform. Yet in the House, you've got the Chairman of the House Judiciary Committee, Bob Goodlatte saying no, no, no I want to move with single bills that fix discrete portions of the problem. What does that mean for the legislation going forward?

GINGRICH: I think the more people study the Comprehensive Bill the harder it's going to get to be. I mean this on the, remember we did this under Bush, we had the McCain-Kennedy great breakthrough. Eight hundred and some pages. Terrific press conference. And then somebody actually starts reading the 800 pages.

I think you'd be vastly better off to do what Chairman Goodlatte's doing, take one piece at a time. I do think it ought to be fixed. But I think it ought to be fixed one piece at a time, out in the open, with amendments, where you actually know what it means.

And I distrust deeply, 800 page bills crafted by staff and then launched with great publicity with nobody actually, none of the senators, I'll bet, has read the bill.

STEPHANOPOULOS: Maybe the eight have.


WILL: Eight hundred and forty-four pages to be exact. We do not do comprehensive well. Comprehensive energy plans, comprehensive health care, comprehensive immigration. It winds up like a Rubik's cube and it's almost impossible to solve or to change the analogy, it's like a Calder mobile, you jiggle something here and things start jiggling all over there.

The fact is you can take employer verification in a separate bill. H1B Visas for the talented in a separate bill. You can take border security. You can take guest worker programs. And break it up into --

STEPHANOPOULOS: I can see the Mayor jumping out of his seat right there. I think the fear of a lot of proponents of immigration reform, is if that happens, than the pathway to citizenship will never happen.

VILLARAIGOSA: Well that's right. And just, well, just last year we had every Republican candidate calling for the self-deportation of 11 million people.

GINGRICH: Whoa, whoa, that's not true.

VILLARAIGOSA: Let me finish. And the fact of the matter is, for a city like mine, one out of 10 people is undocumented, 400,000 of the 4 million. Forty-two percent foreign born, 57 percent of the people in my city have at least one immigrant as the head of household. But importantly 44 percent of all the new businesses that are started are started by immigrants.

We need to fix this broken system. I agree, we don't do comprehensive very well, or they don't do comprehensive very well. But the fact of the matter is we're not going to have an immigration bill that doesn't have a pathway to citizenship. Even this bill says 13 years it's going to take. The vast majority of polling has said people think five years is an appropriate period of time.

This is very tough on border security, it's very tough on the hurdles that you have to overcome to become a citizen. You have to pay back your taxes, you have to have a background check. If we do it piecemeal we'll have people shoot it like Swiss cheese and you'll never get a bill.

DOWD: First I want to give the Speaker some credit for, during a hard primary, spoke out compassionately on what we had to do --


DOWD: -- so he did do that. I think that there's consensus on the politics of this on both sides of it. Democrats know that this is something that they want to do and have to do, good public policy. Republicans now know that if they're going to be a party that goes into the next generation, that is going to be at all more than a minority party, they're going to have to do something that feels like they're going to outreach --

STEPHANOPOULOS: I think Republican leadership lose, I'm not sure rank and file House members agree with that.

DOWD: What I think though is we're going to have immigration reform. It's going to happen this year. It's not going to be slowed down. We already have a consensus on both sides of the aisle. The president wants it. The leadership in Congress wants it. It's going to happen. What the elements of it? It's going to happen this year.

BRAZILE: But it's still a split between the National Republican party that would like to see immigration reform passed this year and the Congressional Republicans who want to slow it down, to look at it piece by piece. To analyze it, to see if they can pull it apart.

STEPHANOPOULOS: We have two more conservative Republicans here so they're much more skeptical than Matthew Dowd is.

GINGRICH: It's not just that. It's like watching Obamacare disintegrate. These giant bills that make great press conferences and everybody in Washington dances together and we're all having a wonderful time. They become law. Laws ought to actually be out in the open. You ought to actually know whether they're going to work. You ought to actually have ...

You know, every single thing that the Mayor wants to get done, can get done in a series of specific bills. The challenge is if you have an idea so bad you have to hide it in a comprehensive bill, you know, why should we pass it?

STEPHANOPOULOS: That is going to be the question going forward? Also a lot of questions about the president's leadership as he pushes all of these as well, especially after the failure, during the bombings of the background checks.

It's created a whole bunch of comparisons, especially in the "New York Times" I noticed. The president, they say, is not enough like LBJ. Front page story this week. Went on and said, "If he cannot translate the support of 90 percent of the public for background checks into a victory on Capitol Hill, what can he expect to accomplish legislatively for his remaining three and a half years in office? Robert Dallek, historian and biographer of President Lyndon B. Johnson, said Mr. Obama seems 'inclined to believe that sweet reason is what you need to use with people in high office.' That contrasts with Johnson's belief that 'what you need to do is to back people up against a wall."

Of course George (inaudible), if you will remember, it was mostly Democrats that Lyndon Johnson was backing up against the wall, and he had massive majorities in both the House and the Senate.

WILL: Yes and he carried 44 states in the previous election and all of that stuff. The "New York Times" suffused with nostalgia for Lyndon Johnson is one of the comics of our times.


WILL: But beyond that, Lyndon Johnson did understand that politics is a transactional business. You give something, you get something. This president has an inordinate faith in the power of his rhetoric. He campaigned against Scott Brown, against Chris Christy, against Bob McDonnell. He campaigned hard for the Democratic candidates in 2010 that got shellacked. He campaigned for Obamacare. It's still very unpopular. His rhetoric is overrated. It is no basis for government.

BRAZILE: You know still this is a president, the first since Dwight Eisenhower to win two consecutive elections with over 51 percent of the vote. So but look Congress is broken. It's very difficult to have a relationship with members of Congress when they're worried about their next primary. And not worried about what they're going to accomplish.

I think this president is trying to do the right thing in terms of outreach, putting together sensible policies. But there are no dance partners to start a relationship with.

DOWD: I don't, I think the president, he's had a lot of great speeches that he's given. But I think they've made a mistake by not having a relationship, not trying to build one-on-one relationships in Congress and saying we're going to go out and talk to the country. We're not going to worry about Washington, D.C.

This president has never built relationships outside of saying, I need your vote tomorrow. He hasn't (inaudible), it's all been photo ops with Congress. He hasn't reached out. He hasn't consistently said come to Camp David, sit down with me, let's talk about this.

I think if the president had that ability, he's got a 1 on 10,000 ability, he does not have a 1 on 1 ability.

VILLARAIGOSA: I'm going to go with the failure of leadership again. First of all he doesn't have a vote in the Congress. And I'm not suggesting that he couldn't work harder to --

DOWD: He's the President of the United States!

VILLARAIGOSA: To get those Congressional numbers. But I think the Democrats and the Republicans, by the way, because there were a number of Democrats who didn't vote for universal background checks. They ought to be ashamed of themselves.

Ninety percent of America, the vast majority of NRA members support the universal background checks. There's got to be a middle ground somewhere where we can all agree. So you put a little on the president, but I put a lot more on the Congress.

STEPHANOPOULOS: Senator Mansion says he's going to come back. Mr. Speaker let me ask you about this. Of course you've been in the middle of countless negotiations in the House. Would this kind of personal politicking really make a difference on an issue when people are facing such pressure at home?

GINGRICH: Sure I mean it makes a huge difference in part because you begin to learn what you can and can't do. I mean, you don't set up goals that are hopeless. And the voting pattern on gun control has been extraordinarily clear for the last 50 years. With very rare exceptions. In the end, the people who care deeply about the right to bear arms, view that as a central issue in their lives. And the people who vaguely say yes in polls don't vote on it. And what happens is I know this is a horrible idea in Washington. People actually do go home. They actually listen to the folks back home. And the folks back home say to them, don't do that.

STEPHANOPOULOS: This was background checks. This was an issue that the NRA supported until the president got behind it.

DOWD: In the late '90s. I'm sorry.

GINGRICH: I'm just reporting, that I think if you were to go and look at somebody like Max Baucus, you would find that in Montana, the way he voted was overwhelmingly approved.

DOWD: I think Congress, I think many members of Congress have bought into a myth that doesn't exist anymore. I think in some cases that's true Mr. Speaker, but I think most of what's going on in gun control, is there's not this huge vehement group of people out there saying I'm going to defeat you if you vote for background checks, I'm going to defeat you if you vote for high capacity magazines. There's not that.

I live in Texas, I'm around a lot of people that shoot guns. I own five guns. There's nobody out there saying don't do that. What there is though is a group of folks in Washington that are scared of their shadow on this issue, both Democrats, some Democrats and a lot of Republicans, the myth doesn't exist anymore. But they're afraid to go launch themselves through it and do something about it.

VILLARAIGOSA: What ever happened to courage and doing the right thing? Notwithstanding what the popularity polls are.

WILL: What you're saying is the minority stood up against an overwhelming majority and lacked courage? I thought that was the definition of courage. Second, the gun control measures would have passed if they bore any discernible connection to preventing something that was the cause of all this argument, which was Newtown. They never connected the measures with the problem.

STEPHANOPOULOS: That could be the biggest challenge going forward. We also saw all the presidents come together this week. All the living presidents come together to open up the Bush Library.

It comes at a time, we had a new ABC News-Washington Post poll this week that shows since he's left office, President George W. Bush's approval rating started to climb. It's gone from 33 percent when he left office in January 2009 up to 47 percent today. It's sort of climbing back into respectable territory George Will.

WILL: Well the American people want to think well of presidents and ex-presidents. The problem with the Bush legacy is the tensions within it. Arguably his greatest decision was the surge. But the surge was to correct for the disastrous implementation of the invasion of Iraq which itself never should have happened, we now know.

Second, his greatest legacy are two superb Supreme Court candidates, nominees, now justices. On the other hand, one of them came after a disastrous suggestion, Harriet Miers.

In Afghanistan you had an invasion he had to take, but you had terrible mission creep afterwards and we got into the business of nation building. The prescription drug entitlement, the first major entitlement he ever passed without a dedicated funding source, aggravated the coming crisis of the welfare state.

And his favorite piece of legislation, "No Child Left Behind" offended every conservative instinct by nationalizing, further nationalizing a quintessential state and local responsibility.

STEPHANOPOULOS: Matthew Dowd you worked for the president for several years. Broke over the Iraq War.

DOWD: Well yeah and I was there for the first five years of the administration, as you say, broke over the Iraq War. I think it was a great moment. These are always great moments that happen, the five living presidents there. They pay respects regardless of party. The libraries and presidential institutions are an important part of our cultural and research and conversation.

And I think the president, reflecting back, had done a number of good things. What he did for aid to Africa. As Donna has pointed out, what he did in the aftermath of Katrina, and a number of things. And I think what you saw, everybody thinks that this is a good man. But the problem that I saw in this whole thing as we had that day and everybody focused on it, it's as if you were asking the people who got off the Titanic, they say, other than that, how was the trip?

And the Iraq War was a disaster. We spent over $1 trillion. We lost thousands of lives. I had a son that served there. We lost thousands of U.S. lives, thousands of lives over in Iraq. And the Iraq War for at least 20 years is going to affect us. It's already affecting our foreign policy in Syria. It's caused the president to not say, well I don't know if I can do this because of what happened in the Iraq War.

It's affected our domestic policy because the lack of funds, the lack of ability. And it polarized the country. And so I think we pause for a moment and say, yes he's a good man. But in the end, the Iraq War was such a disastrous decision, it affected this country so dramatically. His tie to history is going to be completely tied to that.


GINGRICH: I think the thing you saw for a brief moment there with his father captured the heart of George W. Bush. This is a person who tried very hard to do what he felt was right. Has an enormous sense of decency. And I think as he said in his closing thing that you had on the show, he really loves America.

I agree with the critique and I think people are going to be pretty tough about the record. But I don't think they're going to be very tough about the man. I think there's a real difference in those two.

STEPHANOPOULOS: That was clear. You saw that all day on Thursday.

BRAZILE: You know he got off the stage in 2009 and said, you know, good bye, so long, I'm not going to inject myself into the day-to-day politics of the policy, of the country. I think that was for the good. Not just of his legacy but also something maybe future presidents should do. Let the other one govern.

STEPHANOPOULOS: And you see him sticking to that. In all of the interviews this week, would not touch a policy issue.

VILLARAIGOSA: You've got to respect him for that. I actually did like to see for once Democrat and Republicans together acknowledge the man and not just his policies. I'm with you Matt. I think his biggest mistake was getting into that war. And I didn't vote for him either time. But you have to respect the presidency. I do. I think it's important for us, and in a democracy. And I thought it was a good moment, a respite from the kind of the partisanship you see here that gets you sick.

STEPHANOPOULOS: We're going to take a quick break. Coming up behind the scenes at last night's bash. Back with our snapshot, strange encounters and the best standup.


CONAN O'BRIEN: Turner Broadcasting is going to make a major television miniseries, Vice President Joe Biden is going to be played by Bob Barker.

Representative Paul Ryan will be played by Mr. Bean. Secretary of State John Kerry will be played by an Easter Island head.


(FEMALE): George is back with more "This Week" after this.


STEPHANOPOULOS: Stick around for our take on the shtick from the President, Conan last night. But first we've come up with a new way to experience live events online. It's called Social Soundtracker. We launched it last night at the Correspondent's Dinner. You can vote for your favorite or least favorite moments with just one click.

Last night the Soundtracker said Tracy Morgan had the best joke.


TRACY MORGAN: He makes everyone better. Without them, I never could have played Joe Biden, literally, I am Joe Biden.


STEPHANOPOULOS: Learn more about Social Soundtracker by going to ABCNews.com and we'll be right back.



O'BRIEN: The President and I are a lot alike. We both went to Harvard, we both have two children, and we both told Joe Biden we didn't have extra tickets for tonight's event.

PRESIDENT BARACK OBAMA: My charm offensive has helped me learn some interesting things about what's going on in Congress. It turns out absolutely nothing.

O'BRIEN: Some in this room have even accused the president of being distant and aloof. When I asked the president about it earlier, he said, oh and then walked away.

OBAMA: Some folks still don't think I spend enough time with Congress. Why don't you get a drink with Mitch McConnell they ask? Really? Why don't you get a drink with Mitch McConnell?


STEPHANOPOULOS: He might have been talking to you there, Matthew Dowd. The point you were just making. One of the things, we've now seen the president do this several times. He loves taking out that shiv especially against the press.

DOWD: His timing is impeccable and the way he did it about himself. He is a comedic genius in a way, how his timing works. That evening event was wonderful. You have Hollywood mixed with the business community mixed with politics mixed with Washington.

It's a great moment. I know everybody sort of says wow what are they doing? There's serious problems. It's a great light moment that everybody sort of can take advantage of. And I thought the president did a great job.

VILLARAIGOSA: (inaudible) over the last eight years, seven years or whatever. Five years. He just was phenomenal, the timing was perfect as you said. Now we know what his next job will be.

STEPHANOPOULOS: You've been to this a couple times right?


STEPHANOPOULOS: And what did you think of last night?

GINGRICH: Well look the good news, the Mayor just said, it may have been his best moment. The bad news for the president is you'd like sometime in five years to have a better moment than the Washington, the White House Correspondent's Dinner. But he was very good last night.

STEPHANOPOULOS: And George we are getting, we saw Tom Brokaw come out of last year's dinner and say, this shows everything that is wrong with Washington. The president, the press actually cozying up a little too much. He says it's gotten way out of control.

WILL: That's far down on the list of what's wrong with Washington. I've never been to one of these things.


WILL: It occurs during night games and I'm not going to miss those. Second, I'm such an ignoramus about popular culture, I don't know who I'm supposed to be excited to see. And third, it's a classic Washington moment, where two people talking to one another, each looking over the shoulder to see if there's someone more famous they should be talking to.


BRAZILE: It's a great networking event. I've been to over 25 of them. I chose not to go last night because I thought it was important for some of the young people who've been covering Boston to get a chance. But I did go to all the pre-parties and I'm happy to report that I have in addition to, thanks to People magazine, I have a twist band, I have some tea, we can share that George. And some happy socks.



STEPHANOPOULOS: Thank you all very much, great show today. And now we honor or fellow Americans who serve and sacrifice.

This week the Pentagon released the names of three soldiers killed in Afghanistan.

That's all for us today. Thanks for sharing part of your Sunday with us. Check out World News with David Muir tonight and don't miss Diane's Sawyer's prime time special Tuesday night, the first interview with Amanda Knox about her harrowing experience in Italy. I'll see you tomorrow on GMA.


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