In Kentucky, 60 percent of the expected vote has reported in the governor's race, and Beshear leads by 5 points over Cameron, 52.5 percent to 47.5 percent. But there's more good news for Beshear: He's mostly running ahead of his 2019 numbers in the counties where most of the vote has come in. At this point, 37 counties have reported at least 90 percent of their expected vote (out of 120 in the state), and across them Beshear is running 4.7 points ahead of his 2019 margin. Now, most of those counties are small — together, they made up about 23 percent of the statewide vote four years ago. But those counties also don't include the two biggest Democratic bases of support in Jefferson and Fayette counties (Louisville and Lexington).

—Geoffrey Skelley, 538

As our colleague Amelia Thomson-DeVeaux has written, the Dobbs v. Jackson Women's Health Organization Supreme Court decision last year has turned reproductive health and abortion rights into a liability for Republicans at the ballot box. After Republican-led states began restricting abortion rights in the wake of the decision, voters around the country have supported increasing abortion rights when it was directly on the ballot and helped Democrats over-perform in the 2022 midterms. Support for abortion has been rising. A win for the "yes" in Ohio tonight could mean abortion rights will stay on voters minds as we head into the 2024 election season.

—Monica Potts, 538

Democrats face test in Kentucky governor's race:

The clock has chimed for 8 p.m. Eastern, which means polls have closed in four more states voting today. In Mississippi, the main action is the state's governor race, although there are also down-ballot races for statewide and legislative office. In New Jersey, the state legislative elections are the main focus. In Pennsylvania, there's a contest for the state supreme court that could be important for how the court decides election law questions in the 2024 election (among other things). And in Rhode Island, there's the special election for the vacant 1st Congressional District left behind by former Democratic Rep. David Cicilline.

—Geoffrey Skelley, 538

Brandon Presley is trying to pull off an upset in Mississippi, which hasn’t elected a Democratic governor since 1999. To do that, he’ll need strong support from Black voters, who are the bedrock of the Democratic Party in the South. Mississippi has the highest proportion of Black residents of any state in the nation at 38 percent, but they are underrepresented in the electorate, usually coming in at around 30 percent of voters. In 2020, Black voters made up 29 percent of the electorate according to the A.P. VoteCast. To win, Presley probably needs Black voters to make up around 35 percent of the electorate. But turnout has only approached that level in elections where Democrats have had a Black candidate at the top of the ticket, specifically Barack Obama in 2012, when Black voters were 36 percent of the electorate, and Mike Espy in 2018’s Senate special election, when Black voters were 32.5 percent of the electorate. (And this wasn’t enough to boost either candidate to victory — Presley, who is white, would also need far greater support from white voters than Obama and Espy received.)

While the Presley campaign has invested significantly in Black voter turnout and worked to court Black voters in a way that 2019 Democratic gubernatorial nominee Jim Hood did not, he’s up against some serious structural hurdles. Mississippi has one of the most restrictive felony disenfranchisement laws in the nation owing to provisions of its 1890 constitution, which was written in large part to restrict Black residents from exercising their recently obtained right to vote. A 2020 study found that one in six Black Mississippians are ineligible to vote under state law because of felony convictions. While a federal appeals court panel this summer ordered the state to stop enforcing the disenfranchisement law, that decision has been vacated pending an en banc appeal to the full 5th Circuit, so residents who would have regained their rights are back in limbo.

—Jacob Rubashkin, Inside Elections