Since control of the Georgia Supreme Court wasn’t up for grabs, it’s hard to see one seat’s election as a real referendum on abortion. Add in the fact that Barrow’s attacks on Pinson kind of fell flat — yes, Pinson previously defended the state’s abortion ban, but as solicitor general, it was his job to defend the law against a legal challenge — and it just wasn’t enough to galvanize voters.

—Kaleigh Rogers, 538

The incumbency advantage probably played a role here. And awareness about this race was probably low, even as Barrow tried to elevate it and tie it to a consequential issue, like abortion. I agree with Cooper that perhaps the stakes weren't high enough.

—Meredith Conroy, 538 contributor

In addition to what Geoffrey and Cooper said, I’d also echo what Mary said about abortion polling in the state in an earlier post. Abortion is just a little less important to Georgia voters than it is nationally. That said, none of this means abortion won’t matter to voters in November. And as we’ve seen time and time again, the issue tends to give Democrats an edge.

—Monica Potts, 538

According to AdImpact, a lot less money was spent in support of Barrow than of Pinson.

But I'm actually struck by how little money was spent in this race at all! Just over 3 million dollars was spent in 2024 in support of either candidate, which is far less than we usually see for a high profile, competitive statewide election. This may have just flown under voters' radar in general, and having Pinson marked as the incumbent on the ballot may have also been enough to put him over the top.

—Mary Radcliffe, 538

In the downballot races for the Kentucky legislature, Republicans aligned with the "liberty" wing of the party are taking on more establishment Republicans. Some of these conservatives are recent incumbents who won seats last cycle, while others are newcomers this year, but in general they take a harder line against government spending than what they call "establishment" Republicans.

Many in the liberty wing are endorsed by national PACs like Americans for Prosperity, and PACs backing "school choice" measures that would allow tax dollars to go to private schools. Battling over support for public schools has divided the party in other states, like Texas, and I've written about the universal school voucher movement's gains over the past two years.

Some swing state Republican Parties have also torn themselves apart over even the tiniest ideological differences in swing states around the country. Battles like those in Kentucky will help shape the general election to come, and could determine the direction the party takes in governing should it win big in November.

—Monica Potts, 538