Given the history of former governors running for Senate in states that generally vote for the opposite party, I'm not sure it will matter much if Trone or Alsobrooks make the ballot. Consider Phil Bredesen in 2018, a popular former Democratic governor in Tennessee who lost an open seat in the state to Marsha Blackburn by around 11 points, even in a blue wave year. Or Evan Bayh, who sought a return to the Senate in Indiana in 2016, only to lose by 10 points to Todd Young. The list continues ... Ted Strickland in Ohio in 2016, Linda Lingle in Hawaii in 2012 ... I just don't think that a former governor, even a popular one, can really overcome the partisanship of a state when it comes to the Senate.

—Mary Radcliffe, 538

Democratic voters consistently express that they want to see more women in government: 79 percent in 2018 and 75 percent in 2023, according to Pew. Democratic activists also regularly draw attention to the fact that Black women in particular are the most reliable block of Democratic voters, yet they are underrepresented in the Senate. I don't think she will have any problems raising money or getting Democrats to turn out in November.

—Meredith Conroy, 538 contributor

I agree, Nathaniel. I think that with Trump on the ballot, Democrats will be incredibly motivated to turn out to vote against him and will vote blue in states like Maryland. The nuances of Hogan being an anti-Trump Republican will get lost in a party that increasingly defines itself by its loyalty to the former president. And Democrats especially won't want to cross the aisle to possibly give a potential Trump presidency more power if it looks like he might win and might also bring a Republican-led Senate with him.

—Monica Potts, 538

I could see Trone attempting to quell the "more electable because I'm wealthier" thinking by opening up his own pockets for Alsobrooks directly. He seemed willing to self-fund if need be. In fact, I was at an event of his in Silver Spring last week where he said he would spend "whatever it takes" to beat Hogan. Money where his mouth is could do Alsobrooks serious good, both for the narrative, and for the war chest, candidly.

—Brittany Shepherd, ABC News

With Justice term-limited out of the West Virginia governor's office, the open-seat Republican primary features members of three old West Virginia political families: former state Del. Moore Capito, the son of Sen. Shelley Moore Capito; car dealer Chris Miller, the son of Rep. Carol Miller; and Secretary of State Mac Warner, whose father and brother were both state legislators. However, the front-runner is a relative newcomer to the state: Attorney General Patrick Morrisey (whose first campaign was for New Jersey's 7th Congressional District in 2000).

Trump has not endorsed in this race, but (so?) the candidates have been tripping over each other to prove they are the most pro-Trump — and, in a state that recently banned gender-affirming care, the most anti-transgender. For example, a pro-Morrisey PAC has hammered Miller for "pro-transgender events" (its language for drag shows and a free clothing closet for transgender students) at Marshall University, where Miller served on the board of governors until last year. Meanwhile, supporters of Miller have hit back at Morrisey for being a lobbyist for a "drug company that helps turn boys into girls" in an ad that also unsubtly pokes fun at Morrisey's height and weight.

Thanks to his ability to self-fund, Miller has spent twice as much money as Morrisey, $6.2 million to $3.1 million. However, polls indicate it hasn't done that much to boost his support. Instead, it is Capito who looks like he poses the biggest threat to Morrisey: Since April 1, he has risen from 16 percent to 26 percent in 538's polling average of the race, within striking distance of Morrisey at 33 percent. (Miller is at 20 percent, and Warner is at 12 percent.) Capito recently received the endorsement of Justice himself, and if he wins, would likely govern in the incumbent's back-slapping, deal-making style; the Club for Growth and Americans for Prosperity-endorsed Morrisey, though, is more of a hardliner.

—Nathaniel Rakich, 538