Trone ended up spending just about $62 million out of his own pocket in Maryland's Democratic primary for Senate, but it wasn't enough for him to defeat Alsobrooks. It also left Trone just short of the all-time record for self-funding in a Senate race. In 2018, now-Sen. Rick Scott spent more than $63 million of his personal wealth on his successful campaign. (He's up for reelection this year.) But to put that in perspective, Scott spent that amount over the course of the whole cycle, whereas Trone shelled out nearly the same total for just the primary!

—Geoffrey Skelley, 538

My main final thought for the night is that we've seen once again how powerful incumbency can be. Incumbents won against far-right challengers in primaries throughout the states. In the race I was watching, West Virginia's 1st, there was very little daylight between the two Republican candidates, Miller and Evans. Both were extremely loyal to Trump and the MAGA agenda, but Evans's candidacy largely hinged on him being more loyal to Trump than his opponent because he actually protested on Jan. 6, while Miller had avoided angering the base by voting against certifying the election. As we race toward an election that appears to be a 2020 rematch, the same 2020 spirit pervades many downballot races as well.

—Monica Potts, 538

All the races we were tracking tonight have now been projected! What are everyone’s takeaways from the night’s results?

—Nathaniel Rakich, 538

West Virginia actually has a history of casting protest votes against incumbent Democratic presidents in primaries, Irena. For instance, in 2012, Barack Obama beat total rando Keith Judd here just 59 percent to 41 percent. This year, Biden is winning a decent 71 percent of the vote, but he's especially weak in coal country in the southwestern part of the state — for example, winning just 49 percent in Mingo County. But these are no anti-Israel protest votes; coal country is a deeply conservative part of the country that nonetheless still has a lot of registered Democrats. These protest votes, therefore, are protesting the liberal direction that the national party has taken this century.

—Nathaniel Rakich, 538

With Justice term-limited out of the West Virginia governor's office, the open-seat Republican primary features members of three old West Virginia political families: former state Del. Moore Capito, the son of Sen. Shelley Moore Capito; car dealer Chris Miller, the son of Rep. Carol Miller; and Secretary of State Mac Warner, whose father and brother were both state legislators. However, the front-runner is a relative newcomer to the state: Attorney General Patrick Morrisey (whose first campaign was for New Jersey's 7th Congressional District in 2000).

Trump has not endorsed in this race, but (so?) the candidates have been tripping over each other to prove they are the most pro-Trump — and, in a state that recently banned gender-affirming care, the most anti-transgender. For example, a pro-Morrisey PAC has hammered Miller for "pro-transgender events" (its language for drag shows and a free clothing closet for transgender students) at Marshall University, where Miller served on the board of governors until last year. Meanwhile, supporters of Miller have hit back at Morrisey for being a lobbyist for a "drug company that helps turn boys into girls" in an ad that also unsubtly pokes fun at Morrisey's height and weight.

Thanks to his ability to self-fund, Miller has spent twice as much money as Morrisey, $6.2 million to $3.1 million. However, polls indicate it hasn't done that much to boost his support. Instead, it is Capito who looks like he poses the biggest threat to Morrisey: Since April 1, he has risen from 16 percent to 26 percent in 538's polling average of the race, within striking distance of Morrisey at 33 percent. (Miller is at 20 percent, and Warner is at 12 percent.) Capito recently received the endorsement of Justice himself, and if he wins, would likely govern in the incumbent's back-slapping, deal-making style; the Club for Growth and Americans for Prosperity-endorsed Morrisey, though, is more of a hardliner.

—Nathaniel Rakich, 538