Real heads may remember Blankenship, a convicted criminal, from 2018, when he almost won the Republican primary for U.S. Senate, which would've been establishment Republicans' worst nightmare as they sought to take down Manchin. Well, he's trying for a comeback tonight in the Democratic primary for Senate, and he's in a distant third place.

—Nathaniel Rakich, 538

As Nathaniel mentioned earlier, West Virginia's 1st Congressional District's Republican primary has a candidate, Evans, who served three months in jail after filming himself storming the Capitol on Jan. 6. His performance in the district, which includes the state capital city of Charleston, will be a good illustration of where the party is when it comes to how important election denialism remains. Evans apologized for his actions in court, but after leaving jail, he began calling himself a "J6 patriot."

This evolution mirrors what has happened in the Republican Party, as GOP primary voters have become less likely to believe Trump is to blame for Jan. 6, more swayed by conspiracy theories about the insurrection and less likely to say Biden was legitimately elected, according to a Washington Post/University of Maryland poll from the third anniversary. As Mary mentioned earlier, Democrats are much more worried about a repeat of the insurrection and worried that democracy in the U.S. is in peril.

So far there's only about 3 percent of the vote reporting, and Miller has opened up with a lead with 65 percent of the vote. But if Evans upsets the race and pulls out a win over the incumbent Miller, who has also shown unwavering support for Trump, his actions on that day are unlikely to hurt him in this deep red district.

—Monica Potts, 538

We've got 11 percent of the expected vote reporting in West Virginia's 2nd District, and as expected, state Treasurer Riley Moore is running well ahead of the pack with about 45 percent. In a distant second are Army veteran Joseph Earley and retired Air Force general Chris Walker, both at 17 percent. This should be an easy win for Moore (and also a win for the Moore dynasty, which will notch at least one victory tonight even if Moore Capito loses the gubernatorial primary.

—Jacob Rubashkin, Inside Elections

About an hour and a half south of Trone's party in Baltimore — in Angela Alsobrooks's home turf of Prince George's County — supporters and staff for the county executive are beginning to fill up Martin's Crosswinds catering center in Greenbelt. Lights are dim with crystal chandeliers glistening; jazz, oldies (and a little Beyonce) is coming out of the speakers and beef wellington, fried shrimp and salmon cakes are heating up on silver burners. Like at the "Trone HQ," Alsobrooks's election night party venue feels very much like a Sweet Sixteen or prom — and some of the attendees have said the same. Overheard moments ago was one voter remarking to another how she came here for high school dances. The candidate, who has captured the backing of much of the Maryland establishment, seems to be appealing to that base of supporters here on election night.

—Isabella Murray, ABC News

Meredith, the race seemed very close in a way that made it hard to project just who would win. It's true that Dunn raised a very large amount of money and definitely had a lot of traction online. But Elfreth raised a fair bit herself and actually represents part of the district in the Maryland state legislature, whereas Dunn didn't have an initial base of support as he hails from outside the seat in Montgomery County. Most critically, Elfreth received ample outside support from United Democracy Project, the AIPAC-associated super PAC. So while Dunn had raised $4.6 million to Elfreth's $1.5 million, UDP spent $4.2 million in support of Elfreth while Dunn had no outside help. To be clear, a candidate's campaign dollar goes farther when booking ads than for outside groups, but as Jacob pointed out in late April, the combined broadcast ad time bought by Elfreth and UDP sometimes outdistanced Dunn during the campaign.

—Geoffrey Skelley, 538