Tonight I tracked several primaries in which women had a chance to win. On the Republican side, in the runoff in South Carolina’s 3rd, Biggs’s projected victory over the Trump-endorsed candidate should add a woman to the GOP conference in November given that district’s rightward lean. In Colorado’s 4th, another safe red district, it was likely a woman would win — we just weren’t sure who — and Boebert ended up the winner there. However, we’re still waiting to see whether Maloy will ward off her challenger to prevail in Utah’s 2nd.

Among Democrats, nonincumbent women didn’t have a remarkable night. In New York’s 1st District, Goroff is projected to lose despite her support from the Democratic-aligned powerhouse EMILYs List. Also in New York, the AP has projected that Sarah Klee Hood will lose the primary in the 22nd. The only nonincumbent Democratic woman who prevailed tonight in a district winnable in November is probably Laura Gillen in New York’s 4th District.

—Meredith Conroy, 538 contributor

Boebert easily won the Republican primary in Colorado’s solidly red 4th District, making it almost certain she’ll successfully switch over from the more competitive 3rd District and remain in Congress after the 2024 election. However, it’s easy to wonder if she might’ve had more trouble against one notable opponent. With 89 percent of the expected vote reporting, per the AP, Boebert has 43 percent against five other candidates, four of whom have at least 10 percent. Had one of those candidates, especially one of the better-funded or well-known contenders with long-standing local ties (such as Sonnenberg) gotten a one-on-one crack at Boebert, perhaps she would have had more trouble. We’ll never know, of course, and outside of states with runoffs or ranked-choice voting, a plurality win is all a candidate needs.

—Geoffrey Skelley, 538

On the whole, House Republicans got good news tonight, especially in Colorado. Having Evans, Crank and Hurd as their nominees doesn’t guarantee they’ll win (maybe just the 5th District), but it substantially raises the party's chances of winning each of those seats compared to what any of their unsuccessful primary opponents' odds would have looked like. Elsewhere, GOP leadership avoided a firebrand winning a safe seat in South Carolina and can enjoy a little schadenfreude as Bowman loses in New York’s 16th District, while Mondaire Jones gets an additional headache in the highly competitive 17th District by losing the Working Families Party primary.

—Jacob Rubashkin, Inside Elections

As Mary wrote earlier, only 3 percent of New Yorkers said that abortion was a key issue in advance of these primaries, down from 11 percent last year. Abortion access is protected in the state, but Democrats were hoping to nationalize it as an issue to win key races this fall. A vote for a Republican in the House or Senate, the thinking goes, is one step closer to a national abortion ban.

However, that strategy didn’t work for Klee Hood, who made access to abortion a centerpiece of her campaign. She lost to Mannion, who also supports abortion rights but also supports some restrictions after 24 weeks. If that issue isn’t as top of mind for New York voters, or other blue state voters, by the time November comes, that could make it harder for Democrats to gain an advantage in tighter general election races in close districts. That’s especially because voters do still care a lot about economic issues and rate Biden’s handling of the economy poorly. Whether abortion will be as much of a deciding factor this year as it was in the midterms, which proved to be good for Democrats, remains one of the biggest questions of this election cycle.

—Monica Potts, 538

I'm an Idahoan, so this take might be wildly insular, but I think that Republicans in western states (like Colorado and Utah) are still able to put forward candidates that are conservative enough to ward off Trumpian (typically newcomer) candidates with anti-democratic tendencies, armed with conservative bona fides that still serve what Trumpian conservatism feeds, like anti-establishment, anti-authority authenticity. But it is of a frontier flavor that I think Trump and many Trumpy candidates don't have.

—Meredith Conroy, 538 contributor