It's been almost an hour since polls closed in Nevada, and still no results have been released. Maybe they got stuck in line at the Sphere?

—Nathaniel Rakich, 538

I for one am now very curious how the special election in Colorado’s 4th District plays out in two weeks. We’ve been treating it like a solid Republican seat. After all, Trump won it by 19 points in 2020. But in tonight’s Ohio 6 special, the Democrat outperformed Trump’s margin by — wait for it — 19 points. At least very superficially, that’s a reminder that special elections can produce quirky outcomes. In fairness, Colorado’s concurrent regular primary should help boost turnout in the Centennial State, especially with the crowded and high-profile GOP primary in the 4th District that features Rep. Lauren Boebert. But I’m still interested in how Republican Greg Lopez does in the special election and whether Democrats can keep up the strong over-performances they’ve notched so far this cycle.

—Jacob Rubashkin, Inside Elections

Mary, you mentioned potential legal challenges for North Dakota’s ballot measure setting congressional age limits. It's pretty clearly unconstitutional under current Supreme Court precedent; the court found in 1995's U.S. Term Limits v. Thornton that states can't impose qualifications to run for office beyond those set forth in the Constitution. (And while the Constitution sets a minimum age to be elected to Congress, it's silent about a maximum.) However, congressional expert Matt Glassman writes on X that this ballot measure could be a way to get the Supreme Court to reconsider that precedent — which could open the door to congressional term limits as well.

—Nathaniel Rakich, 538

With Fedorchak's projected win in North Dakota’s at-large district, she becomes the first non-incumbent Republican woman to win an open primary in a safe red district this cycle. Why have Republican women had such a slow start in primaries this year? We wrote about some possible explanations last week.

—Meredith Conroy, 538 contributor

In the solidly red 4th District around Greenville, third-term Rep. William Timmons is another Republican incumbent dealing with a high-profile primary challenger. Though Timmons is a reliable conservative, state Rep. Adam Morgan could successfully run even further to Timmons's right, seeing as he chairs the state House's Freedom Caucus — modeled after the congressional caucus, whose membership encouraged Morgan's bid and whose campaign arm has endorsed him. Moreover, Timmons still seems to be plagued by a scandal that jeopardized his reelection bid two years ago: In 2022, amid allegations that Timmons was unfaithful to his wife, he only won renomination with 53 percent against weak primary opposition.

One sign that Timmons is feeling the heat is that he's done something unusual in a GOP primary: He's attacked his opponent for being too extreme on abortion rights, running an ad criticizing Morgan for voting "to jail rape and incest victims" who sought abortions — a vote Morgan has defended as "an attempt to close a loophole." Timmons's maneuver could be an attempt to draw Democratic and independent votes in South Carolina's open primary system, even though the incumbent supports a 15-week federal abortion ban.

Timmons still has some notable advantages working for him. He's outraised Morgan $1.9 million to $578,000, helped out by a $900,000 loan to his campaign (Morgan has self-funded nearly half his campaign, too). Outside groups, mainly the pro-cryptocurrency Defend American Jobs super PAC, have spent $1.9 million to boost Timmons, compared with just $327,000 in outside spending supporting Morgan. And here, too, Trump has endorsed the incumbent, which Timmons and his allies have played up in campaign ads. Still, Morgan has emphasized his Republican bona fides, pitching himself as a Christian and "conservative fighter" in his ads.

—Geoffrey Skelley, 538