Also on the ballot tonight in North Dakota: a ballot measure that would block anyone from being elected or appointed to the House or Senate from the state if they would turn 81 before their term ended. With 19 percent of the expected vote reporting, the measure is currently supported by 62 percent of the electorate. If the results hold, it would become the first state in the nation with a maximum age for elected office.

The only preelection polling we saw on this measure came from RMG Research/U.S. Term Limits in April/May, and showed voters in support of the measure by 65 percentage points, 78 to 13 percent. So while the measure may be somewhat underperforming, it's still on track to become the law of the land in North Dakota — if it can survive the inevitable legal challenges.

—Mary Radcliffe, 538

As Meredith has noted, Biggs is one of the House GOP’s best chances yet to add a new woman to their caucus. However, I wonder if she will even stay in the race for the June 25 runoff. As David Bernstein notes on BlueSky, twice so far this year (in North Carolina’s 6th and 13th), a Republican candidate has made it to a runoff against a candidate endorsed by Trump only to drop out of the race because they faced such low odds of winning.

—Nathaniel Rakich, 538

The AP is projecting the GOP race to replace retiring Rep. Jeff Duncan in South Carolina's 3rd District will go to a runoff, with pastor Mark Burns and Air National Guard Lt. Col. Sheri Biggs squaring off. With 85 percent of the expected votes counted, Burns currently leads with 32 percent of the vote, with Biggs tailing him with 29 percent of the vote. With those margins, it's anyone's race in two weeks!

—Kaleigh Rogers, 538

With 20 percent of the expected vote in, the Associated Press is projecting that Armstrong will win the North Dakota Republican gubernatorial primary, with 67 percent of the vote so far, compared to Miller's 33 percent. It's a quick result for such a contentious race, where the candidates shared many agreements over policy. Armstrong is likely to triumph over Piepkorn in November in this very red state (although we don't know who would win a singing contest.)

—Monica Potts, 538

In the solidly red 4th District around Greenville, third-term Rep. William Timmons is another Republican incumbent dealing with a high-profile primary challenger. Though Timmons is a reliable conservative, state Rep. Adam Morgan could successfully run even further to Timmons's right, seeing as he chairs the state House's Freedom Caucus — modeled after the congressional caucus, whose membership encouraged Morgan's bid and whose campaign arm has endorsed him. Moreover, Timmons still seems to be plagued by a scandal that jeopardized his reelection bid two years ago: In 2022, amid allegations that Timmons was unfaithful to his wife, he only won renomination with 53 percent against weak primary opposition.

One sign that Timmons is feeling the heat is that he's done something unusual in a GOP primary: He's attacked his opponent for being too extreme on abortion rights, running an ad criticizing Morgan for voting "to jail rape and incest victims" who sought abortions — a vote Morgan has defended as "an attempt to close a loophole." Timmons's maneuver could be an attempt to draw Democratic and independent votes in South Carolina's open primary system, even though the incumbent supports a 15-week federal abortion ban.

Timmons still has some notable advantages working for him. He's outraised Morgan $1.9 million to $578,000, helped out by a $900,000 loan to his campaign (Morgan has self-funded nearly half his campaign, too). Outside groups, mainly the pro-cryptocurrency Defend American Jobs super PAC, have spent $1.9 million to boost Timmons, compared with just $327,000 in outside spending supporting Morgan. And here, too, Trump has endorsed the incumbent, which Timmons and his allies have played up in campaign ads. Still, Morgan has emphasized his Republican bona fides, pitching himself as a Christian and "conservative fighter" in his ads.

—Geoffrey Skelley, 538