Yesterday, the Supreme Court rejected the legal arguments claiming that Trump could be disqualified from running for president in 2024 because of his connection to the Jan. 6 insurrection at the U.S. Capitol. Section 3 of the 14th Amendment states that anyone who held a public or constitutional office and has engaged in insurrection is ineligible to hold office in the future, unless Congress passes a law stating otherwise. Section 5 says that Congress can also pass laws to enforce any of the provisions in the amendment. Lawsuits in several states came forward to disqualify Trump on these grounds.

But until recently, very few people had given much thought to this part of the 14th amendment since the years immediately following the Civil War. Legal scholars brought up a couple of ambiguities — did it apply to the presidency, since a number of offices are named, but not the president? Do we have an agreed upon definition of what counts as participating in an insurrection and whether Trump did that in 2021? (Spoiler alert: No.)

The Supreme Court ruled unanimously that the state of Colorado could not disqualify Trump, though there were disagreements about how far to take that ruling. A majority held that Congress would need to pass a law in order to enforce Section 3. Though the unanimity of the ruling papered over some of the partisan politics, the timing was impossible to separate from political considerations, since it came just in time for today’s big round of contests.

—Julia Azari, 538 contributor

ABC News can project that Tim Moore has won the GOP primary for North Carolina’s 14th District. Moore is the speaker of the state House and played a role in redrawing North Carolina’s congressional map this cycle to give Republicans three new safe seats — including one that included Moore’s home base. Unsurprisingly, he jumped into the race and faced only nominal opposition in the primary, and he should easily win the general election as well in this Trump +16 district.

—Nathaniel Rakich, 538

Some of those races to watch in North Carolina are still cooking, and I have a hunch we may end up in runoff territory for a couple. In the 1st District's GOP primary, Laurie Buckhout is edging ahead of Sandy Smith by 4 percentage points, with 34 percent of the votes in.

In the 6th District Republican primary, it's an incredibly close three-way tie right now between Trump-endorsed political newbie Addison McDowell, former Green Beret Christian Castelli, and former Rep. Mark Walker, who represented the district from 2015-2021 before making an unsuccessful bid for the Senate. Bo Hines, a former wide receiver for North Carolina State University who ran unsuccessfully in 2022, is trailing the other three. This race will determine the winner in November — there are no Democrats bothering to run in the 6th, since it was redrawn to be much redder.

And in the deep-red 8th District outside Charlotte, redemption-seeking former nominee Mark Harris, whose 2018 congressional win was thrown out due to allegations of ballot fraud, is just barely leading Allan Baucom, a farmer and former chairman of the Union County Board of Commissioners. State Rep. John Bradford, who has poured $1.3 million of his own money into his campaign, is trailing with 81 percent of votes in.

Remember that in North Carolina, if no candidate gets 30 percent or more of the vote today, races will go to a two-candidate runoff in May.

—Kaleigh Rogers, 538

The former president's scorecard for endorsees is looking pretty good at the moment. Out of six candidates whom Trump endorsed, three have won their primaries (Mark Robinson for North Carolina Governor, Mayra Flores for Texas's 34th District and Tim Moore in North Carolina's 14th District) and two are leading (McDowell, who I just mentioned, and Brandon Gill in Texas's 26th District). We'll have to wait for the polls to close in California to see if Trump is heading for a perfect score.

—Kaleigh Rogers, 538

While we don’t have data for every Super Tuesday state, in the ones we do, Haley’s favorability lags far behind Trump’s among Republican voters. In Texas, an early February poll from YouGov/The University of Texas shows GOP voters there have a particularly dim view of Haley; the survey shows Haley 4 percentage points underwater among Republicans, with a 36 percent favorability rating and a 40 percent unfavorability rating, while Trump is has a massive positive net approval rating of 71 percent (83 percent favorable and just 12 percent unfavorable).

While not quite as dismal as in Texas, Haley’s numbers in other Super Tuesday states lag far behind Trump’s. For example, a Morning Consult/Bloomberg poll from mid-February in North Carolina has Haley at net +18 percent favorability (52 percent favorable, 34 percent unfavorable) among registered Republicans, compared to net +64 percent favorability for Trump (81 percent favorable, 17 percent unfavorable). An early February poll in Maine from Pan Atlantic Research shows Haley at net favorability +15 percent favorable (50 to 35 percent), compared to Trump’s net +52 percent favorability rating (76 to 24 percent).

In Vermont, polls suggest Haley might perform a little better than in other states, but her favorability is underwater, according to an early January survey from the University of New Hampshire Survey Center. That survey had Trump with a lower favorable rating than he enjoys in other states, net +20 points (57 to 37 percent), but Haley had a net favorability of -9 points among likely primary voters: 32 percent favorable and 41 percent unfavorable.

—Mary Radcliffe, 538