Yesterday, the Supreme Court rejected the legal arguments claiming that Trump could be disqualified from running for president in 2024 because of his connection to the Jan. 6 insurrection at the U.S. Capitol. Section 3 of the 14th Amendment states that anyone who held a public or constitutional office and has engaged in insurrection is ineligible to hold office in the future, unless Congress passes a law stating otherwise. Section 5 says that Congress can also pass laws to enforce any of the provisions in the amendment. Lawsuits in several states came forward to disqualify Trump on these grounds.

But until recently, very few people had given much thought to this part of the 14th amendment since the years immediately following the Civil War. Legal scholars brought up a couple of ambiguities — did it apply to the presidency, since a number of offices are named, but not the president? Do we have an agreed upon definition of what counts as participating in an insurrection and whether Trump did that in 2021? (Spoiler alert: No.)

The Supreme Court ruled unanimously that the state of Colorado could not disqualify Trump, though there were disagreements about how far to take that ruling. A majority held that Congress would need to pass a law in order to enforce Section 3. Though the unanimity of the ruling papered over some of the partisan politics, the timing was impossible to separate from political considerations, since it came just in time for today’s big round of contests.

—Julia Azari, 538 contributor

ABC News can project that Tim Moore has won the GOP primary for North Carolina’s 14th District. Moore is the speaker of the state House and played a role in redrawing North Carolina’s congressional map this cycle to give Republicans three new safe seats — including one that included Moore’s home base. Unsurprisingly, he jumped into the race and faced only nominal opposition in the primary, and he should easily win the general election as well in this Trump +16 district.

—Nathaniel Rakich, 538

Some of those races to watch in North Carolina are still cooking, and I have a hunch we may end up in runoff territory for a couple. In the 1st District's GOP primary, Laurie Buckhout is edging ahead of Sandy Smith by 4 percentage points, with 34 percent of the votes in.

In the 6th District Republican primary, it's an incredibly close three-way tie right now between Trump-endorsed political newbie Addison McDowell, former Green Beret Christian Castelli, and former Rep. Mark Walker, who represented the district from 2015-2021 before making an unsuccessful bid for the Senate. Bo Hines, a former wide receiver for North Carolina State University who ran unsuccessfully in 2022, is trailing the other three. This race will determine the winner in November — there are no Democrats bothering to run in the 6th, since it was redrawn to be much redder.

And in the deep-red 8th District outside Charlotte, redemption-seeking former nominee Mark Harris, whose 2018 congressional win was thrown out due to allegations of ballot fraud, is just barely leading Allan Baucom, a farmer and former chairman of the Union County Board of Commissioners. State Rep. John Bradford, who has poured $1.3 million of his own money into his campaign, is trailing with 81 percent of votes in.

Remember that in North Carolina, if no candidate gets 30 percent or more of the vote today, races will go to a two-candidate runoff in May.

—Kaleigh Rogers, 538

The former president's scorecard for endorsees is looking pretty good at the moment. Out of six candidates whom Trump endorsed, three have won their primaries (Mark Robinson for North Carolina Governor, Mayra Flores for Texas's 34th District and Tim Moore in North Carolina's 14th District) and two are leading (McDowell, who I just mentioned, and Brandon Gill in Texas's 26th District). We'll have to wait for the polls to close in California to see if Trump is heading for a perfect score.

—Kaleigh Rogers, 538

As the Super Tuesday results come in, there will be a lot of attention to how they compare with the 2016 primaries. In early voting states such as Iowa and New Hampshire, Trump has tended to do better in the places where he did well eight years ago. But we should be careful not to overstate the continuity. While Trump was seen as a relatively moderate Republican back in 2016, he now anchors the conservative end of the political spectrum.

In January 2016, Diana Mutz and I asked a population-based panel of Americans 26 and older whom they supported in the GOP presidential primary. Back then, Trump's best group of GOP primary voters were actually those who called themselves "moderates," while Ted Cruz won respondents who said they were "extremely conservative." Later that year, we asked all respondents to place Trump on a 7-point ideology scale, where "1" meant "extremely liberal" and 7 meant "extremely conservative." Trump scored 5.0, placing him almost exactly at "slightly conservative."

But after Trump had been president for three years and had overseen major tax cuts and an effort to repeal the Affordable Care Act — not to mention being the face of a growing contingent of MAGA-inspired conservatives — perceptions of him had changed. In January 2020, our panelists rated him a 5.6, meaning they saw him as closer to "conservative" than to "slightly conservative."

Other data reinforces the idea that perceptions of Trump continued to shift, and that he shed the perception of being a moderate. In April 2021, I teamed up with Hans Noel to ask political activists who was more conservative among pairs of prominent politicians. From those comparisons, we generated perceived ideology scores. By then, Trump was perceived by all respondents to be fairly far on the conservative end of the spectrum, with just ten GOP politicians to his right versus 43 to his left. (The Republicans who were perceived to be on his right are generally seen as Trump allies, such as Sens. Tommy Tuberville, Josh Hawley and Tom Cotton.) It's noteworthy that at the time, Nikki Haley was ranked just two slots less conservative than Trump.

Noel and I replicated the analysis in November 2023 in a YouGov survey of American adults. Among Republican survey respondents, Ron DeSantis was thought to be the second most conservative figure, with only Ted Cruz viewed as more conservative. But Trump was also far on the conservative end of the spectrum, ranking fifth out of 23 Republicans on the list. It's no surprise that in that same survey, Trump's best group for the primary was respondents who called themselves "very conservative."

Haley, by contrast, had come to be seen as closer to the center of the GOP — she was viewed as more conservative than Mitch McConnell, Chris Christie and Kevin McCarthy, but also more liberal than fellow primary candidates Vivek Ramaswamy and Mike Pence, and Trump allies like Hawley and Sarah Huckabee Sanders. Haley's best group in the November survey was self-described "moderates," although Trump still won that group with 51 percent compared to Haley's 18.

That reflects the fact that DeSantis and Haley cut somewhat different profiles among GOP primary voters. While Haley is the Trump challenger still in the race, DeSantis seems to have been the bigger threat to the conservative base that Trump has come to rely on. And with DeSantis out of the race, Trump has been able to consolidate the GOP's conservative wing, which has increasingly been defined by his politics since 2016.

—Dan Hopkins, 538 contributor