Toward the end of his speech, President Biden called on Congress to codify Roe v. Wade and promised to veto a national abortion ban. But that was pretty much all he had to say about the issue, which was noteworthy given what an eventful year it's been for abortion rights and access. Since the Supreme Court overruled Roe last summer, more than a dozen states have imposed near-total bans on abortion and the support for abortion access ended up being a major issue in the 2022 midterms.

Biden's lack of attention to the issue might be reflective of the fact that there's really not much he can do when it comes to abortion rights -- Democrats in Congress didn't have the votes to codify Roe last fall, and with a divided Congress, there isn't likely to be more action. State legislatures and courts will have a much bigger impact on abortion access in the meantime. But some Democrats might have wanted Biden to say more on the topic, because their views on abortion are changing. For example, polling by Civiqs shows that Democrats are more likely to support legal abortion in all cases than they were even two years ago.

-FiveThirtyEight's Amelia Thomson-DeVeaux

President Biden spent some time in his speech outlining the ways that last year’s Inflation Reduction Act is addressing health care. Polls show that Americans care a lot about reducing health costs, and they tend to think that prescription drug prices are too high.

The Inflation Reduction Act tackles prescription drug prices in a few ways. For one thing, it requires the government to negotiate for some drugs that are covered under Medicare. It also limits monthly co-pays for insulin and it will cap out-of-pocket drug costs for Medicare recipients down the road.

That could make a big difference for the significant share of older Americans who take prescription drugs. According to a Kaiser Family Foundation analysis, prices increased faster than inflation between 2019 and 2020 for half of drugs covered by Medicare.

-FiveThirtyEight's Amelia Thomson-DeVeaux

President Biden drew several red lines as he addressed the new Republican majority in the House.

On health care, Biden said if anyone tried to "do anything to raise the cost of prescription drugs" -- like repeal the Inflation Reduction Act provisions -- he would veto it. He said the same if lawmakers passed a national abortion ban, prompting cheers from Democrats.

Biden also delivered a firm stance on Social Security and Medicare, calling them a "lifeline for millions" that he won't let be taken away, which leading Republicans have echoed.

Biden's remarks on Tuesday totaled roughly 7,300 words. That's on the high side historically, which led to a lengthy speech: Since Lyndon Johnson's first evening national address in 1965, the average word count is around 5,500 words. Now, those totals have varied quite a bit, ranging from Jimmy Carter's laconic 3,300 words in 1979 to Bill Clinton's loquacious 9,200 words in 1995. For his part, Biden's speech is slightly shorter than his first national address in 2021 (8,000 words) and last year's State of the Union (7,700).

Of course, different people speak at different rates, so what takes one person five minutes to say might take another eight. Not to mention, applause breaks have become commonplace. For his part, Biden's two previous speeches to Congress have each lasted a touch over an hour, and he came in a little above that mark again this evening. By comparison, Donald Trump's speeches contained somewhat fewer words than Biden's, ranging from 5,000 to 6,200 words. But Trump spoke for around one hour and 20 minutes in three of his four national addresses. Still, no one can rival the master of stemwinders: Clinton's final State of the Union, in 2000, lasted nearly one and a half hours.

-FiveThirtyEight's Geoffrey Skelley

Biden may still be some ways from formally declaring his intentions about a 2024 reelection campaign, but his message on Tuesday -- he wants to "finish the job" -- certainly hints at another bid.

Yet this comes in the face of polls that have shown an unusually high percentage of Americans don't want him to run again -- including Democrats. In a new ABC News/Washington Post survey, 58% of Democrats said they wanted the party to nominate someone other than Biden, a finding echoed by a recent AP/NORC survey, too. Now, it's not unheard of for the public to prefer that a president not run again. For instance, majorities told pollsters at different points in 1982 and 1983 that they didn't want Ronald Reagan, another older president, to run again. But in those polls, a majority of Republicans still wanted four more years of Reagan, in contrast to what Democrats are saying in polls about Biden.

However, none of this means Biden will be an underdog in the 2024 Democratic primary. Fact is, elected presidents rarely face serious opposition for renomination. Importantly, Biden has a solid approval rating among Democrats -- around 80% for better in most polls -- so while many Democrats express skepticism toward another Biden run, most also don't mind how he's governing the country. This complicates any would-be challenger justifying a campaign against Biden.

Moreover, the potential Democratic candidates polling best against Biden are in his administration -- Vice President Kamala Harris and Secretary of Transportation Pete Buttigieg -- making them unlikely to run against him. Although we can't discount someone from the left taking on Biden, the leftward threat posed by Vermont independent Sen. Bernie Sanders faded when he encouraged the party to coalesce around Biden ahead of Super Tuesday in 2020 -- before Biden was the clear leader of his party. Barring a major collapse in Biden's standing, then, a serious primary challenge appears unlikely.

-FiveThirtyEight's Geoffrey Skelley