Both Parties Prepare for Battle With DeLay Gone

April 4, 2006 — -- When an e-mail from an aide to the House Democratic leadership arrived this morning, saying, "The Republican culture of corruption goes much deeper than DeLay," it became immediately clear that Democrats were a bit concerned about losing the most prominent face of the corruption scandals swirling around Washington.

Former House Majority Leader Tom DeLay, R-Texas, has announced his resignation from his seat and removal from the ballot for re-election.

With former Speaker Newt Gingrich and former House Majority Leader Dick Armey already long departed, DeLay is one more giant from the era of the 1994 Republican takeover to leave the halls of Congress to the next generation of leaders.

DeLay's departure from the scene also seems to indicate that Republicans believe this year's midterm election is going to be extremely close. Control of the House of Representatives very much hangs in the balance. The loyal and dedicated leader of the Republican Party would never want to jeopardize the party's hold on power. He clearly believes getting out of the race is the best way to ensure a Republican will continue to represent his Houston-area district when the next Congress convenes.

"It will no longer be a national race like it was," DeLay said.

Don't count on Democrats giving up on the corruption argument anytime soon.

"Tom DeLay's announcement is just the beginning of the reckoning of the Republican culture of corruption that has gripped Washington for too long," said Karen Finney, communications director for the Democratic National Committee. "From DeLay, to Scooter Libby, to Senate Majority Leader Bill Frist, to Duke Cunningham, to Bob Ney, to David Safavian -- the list goes on and on."

Long Career as Power Broker

DeLay assiduously built his power base in the halls of Congress by persuading Washington lobbyists, power brokers and wealthy contributors -- long accustomed to giving money to Democrats when they held control for 40 years -- to start placing some of their much-coveted cash in Republican coffers.

DeLay also was one of the "Republican revolutionaries" instrumental in providing strategic and financial support to many Republican challengers running in the 1994 midterm elections that swept the GOP into power in the House.

DeLay is clearly now reaping some of what he has sowed over the years. Two of his former aides, as well as his friend, lobbyist Jack Abramoff, have pleaded guilty to an influence-peddling scheme under investigation.

Though DeLay has been accused of no wrongdoing in the federal investigation, the straight line between the legal aggressive system he has spent years building and the law-breaking already admitted to by his former associates is quite clear and certainly contributed to his downfall.

DeLay's influence in Congress had severely waned since he stepped down as majority leader at the end of last year. Despite the loyalty paid to him by many members of the Republican conference, more than a handful of his colleagues -- concerned about their own re-election prospects in this politically tough environment for Republicans -- were ready to move beyond the DeLay era.

The full impact of DeLay's resignation will take some time to measure. It seems clear, though, that DeLay's action is somewhat positive for the Republican Party, both in terms of the practical reality that DeLay's congressional seat just became somewhat safer for Republicans to maintain and for the symbolic purpose of robbing the Democrats of the bogeyman they were so very much hoping to turn into their next Newt Gingrich.