Politics of Loyalty: History Shows Rough Road Ahead for Gonzales

March 21, 2007— -- President Bush's strong defense of his embattled attorney general, Alberto Gonzales, has sparked discussion of how loyal Bush is to his lieutenants, or at least those who have a long history with him.

He and Gonzales have a personal and professional relationship going back to their Texas days. Bush called him Tuesday morning to affirm his backing and later unequivocally told reporters, "He's got support from me."

Limits of Bush Loyalty Tested

It's not that Bush has trouble firing people. Just ask Paul O'Neill, Bush's first treasury secretary.

O'Neill's loyalty was suspect at the White House, and he was given the boot at least in part because the president and Vice President Dick Cheney felt he was too concerned about budget deficits and not strong enough in his support of tax cuts.

Colin Powell also found that Bush was perfectly happy to see his secretary of state depart. After Bush's re-election in 2004, Powell informed the White House he intended to resign but was willing to stay on for several months or longer to work on unfinished business. Bush's top aide, Andy Card, told a stunned Powell it would be better for him to leave sooner rather than later. He did.

Donald Rumsfeld seemed to have the job of defense secretary as long as Bush was in the White House. During the 2006 congressional election campaign, Bush gave Rumsfeld solid backing. But as soon as the election results were in, Bush unloaded one of the chief architects of the Iraq War.

Loyalty, Betrayal and the Business of Politics

It is a political maxim that any president's underlings are supposed to be loyal to the person in the Oval Office. The chief executive's loyalty to them is a murkier business.

Bush is getting credit now for his two-way loyalty with Gonzales, who has served him long and faithfully. No one knows whether at some point Bush will believe his old friend has become a political liability and jettison him.

Other presidents have reluctantly come to that conclusion about aides they valued and trusted. Some of those aides resigned as a sign of their loyalty. Some resigned rather than be fired.

Eisenhower and Sherman Adams

his Sherman Adams, his chief of staff. Although they were not really friends, for most of Eisenhower's presidency Adams had made himself almost indispensable. But he had accepted gifts, including an infamous vicuna coat, from a business executive who had legal problems with the government.

At a news conference, Eisenhower gave Adams a ringing endorsement saying, "I respect him because of his personal and official integrity. I need him."

But the Democrats smelled blood and continued their investigation. Adams began losing the support of Republicans as well, just as is happening now with Gonzales.

In his book on Eisenhower's presidency, Stephen Ambrose wrote that Ike "found it extremely difficult to fire a man who had served him well and loyally, no matter how great a handicap the man had become."

But as pressure grew, Adams lost the president's backing. He resigned.

Carter and Bert Lance

President Carter faced a similar situation with his budget director, Bert Lance, a friend and fellow Georgian.

Lance tried to fend off accusations that before coming to Washington he had engaged in shady dealings while he was chairman of a Georgia bank. But pressure from Congress and editorial columns grew. Carter and Lance agreed he should resign.

Author Jim Wooten in his book on Carter writes that at a news conference the president had tears in his eyes: "His friend, his closest friend -- his brother, he called him -- was quitting."

George H.W. Bush and Sununu

When George W. Bush's father was president, White House Chief of Staff John Sununu ran into a flap over his private use of government transportation.

According to several sources from the earlier Bush administration, George H.W. Bush was reluctant to fire his top aide. But his son believed Sununu was a liability and helped to change his father's mind. Sununu left.

According to one of the possible scenarios floating around Washington, at some point someone from the White House will try to convince Gonzales that he would best serve his friend, the president, by resigning.

The most painful scenario would be one in which Bush decides the pressure is too great but Gonzales still wants to keep his job. That happened, for example, in 1958 when Sherman Adams believed he should remain at the White House. Eisenhower had to tell him that was not a good idea.

For the moment, Bush and Gonzales seem content to wait and see whether pressure on them increases or abates.