It's not a huge surprise that Haley thinks she can win tonight despite the odds. Her first political success was in a 2004 South Carolina state House Republican primary, in which she unseated a powerful 30-year incumbent to win. She tells that story on the stump, and the message is clear: She's won as an underdog before.

As a legislator, Haley carved out a reputation in South Carolina as an outsider taking on state power. She sponsored a bill to force roll call votes on issues like raising legislator pay, losing support from her colleagues and a race for a committee chair position in the process. Later, as governor, she became known for luring businesses to the state, siding with business over labor, signing a 20-week abortion ban and blocking Medicaid expansion.

On social issues, though, she has tried to walk a middle path. Haley has talked about the racism her Indian American family faced in rural South Carolina, and supporters have said the "good ol' boys" network never quite accepted her in state politics. But she also frames her success as an example of how the South has made progress. She didn't tackle the issue of the Confederate battle flag flying over the State House until after a racist shooting in Charleston in 2015, in which nine churchgoers were killed in Emanuel AME Church. She has also sidestepped more recent controversies, like anti-transgender bathroom laws.

Of course, all of her history in the state hasn't seemed to help her against Trump. In polls, she's winning only about a third of potential voters. She may be used to playing the role of David, but not all Goliaths fall in defeat.

—Monica Potts, 538

If you are looking for something to listen to while we wait for polls to close and results to come in, allow me to suggest our latest episode of the 538 Politics podcast. We talk about what to expect tonight, including how South Carolina's primary electorate is different from that of other early states and how the results might shape what Haley does next. We also had a debate about a recent poll on presidential greatness and looked at polling that suggests the wars in Ukraine and Gaza have created some significant divides within the two parties.

—Galen Druke, 538

Let's not sugar-coat this: If the polls are right, Haley will lose badly to Trump in South Carolina, her home state, tonight. According to 538's average of polls, Trump commands the support of 62 percent of likely primary voters compared with Haley's 34 percent. Haley has gained ground in recent weeks, likely a result of voter consolidation as the rest of the candidates dropped out after voting in Iowa and New Hampshire, but so has Trump.

Moreover, according to a poll released this week by Suffolk University/USA Today (which had a very similar breakdown to our average), Trump is leading Haley with most major demographics in the state. The former president leads among Republicans and conservatives, groups that make up 76 and 81 percent of Republican primary voters in the state, respectively. Haley, meanwhile, holds an almost 20-point lead among respondents who described themselves as moderate or liberal and a 26-point lead among those who say the most important issue is the future of democracy.

According to my colleague Geoffrey Skelley, if Trump wins by as much as the polls imply, it would be the best-ever performance for a non-incumbent presidential candidate in South Carolina primary history. (The current record is George H.W. Bush's 28-point win over Bob Dole in 1988.) Surely the Haley campaign will try to spin a victory out of defeat — Trump is no easy opponent, to be fair — but with these numbers there's simply no denying Trump's strength.

—G. Elliott Morris, 538

Polls are open in the Palmetto State, the latest battleground in the GOP presidential primary race. You'd be justified in asking if this will also be the contest's last battleground, as Trump's commanding lead in the polls suggests he'll almost certainly walk away with all the delegates tonight and continue his march to the nomination. We'll certainly be looking out for Haley to signal what she'll do next: She's insisted that she plans to stay in the race, but a big home-state loss could throw cold water on an already-struggling campaign.

As for the timing of it all, polls will close at 7 p.m. Eastern, and we wouldn't be surprised if a winner is projected not long after. As usual, though, we plan to stick around to analyze results and candidate speeches throughout the evening. We'll also discuss how Trump got to be the overwhelming favorite on Haley's home turf, whether there are any upsides for Haley as the last challenger standing and (gulp) what it all means as we turn toward November's general election.

—Tia Yang, 538

Spoiler: Whoever wins the Republican primary is probably going to win the state in the general election. Trump beat Biden there by 12 points in 2020, and South Carolina has voted almost exclusively for Republicans in presidential elections since Civil Rights legislation under President Lyndon Johnson flipped most of the South from blue to red. The one exception? The state voted for the Democratic governor of neighboring Georgia, Jimmy Carter, in 1976.

The state reliably votes conservative in other elections too. Its governor, both senators, and six of its seven representatives are Republicans. And many Republican voters there seem fiercely loyal to the former president. Former Rep. Tom Rice, one of ten Republicans who voted to impeach Trump in the House after Jan. 6, was ousted in his midterm primary in 2022.

That said, South Carolina may be changing. Last year it was the fastest-growing state in the country by population growth, driven by the state's growing economy and its relatively affordable cost-of-living. In fact, nearly [10 percent of the potential voting population])) moved to the state since Haley left the governorship in 2017.

While many of those newcomers may have come from the more expensive coasts along the Northeast corridor and California, they don't necessarily seem to be changing the state's GOP electorate, as Haley has struggled to overcome Trump's popularity and name recognition among Republican-leaning new residents. Newcomers or no, Haley's challenges winning over voters in her home state seem not so different from her efforts in the rest of the country.

—Monica Potts, 538