Well, right on cue Nathaniel: It seems Democrat Russet Perry probably has the upper hand on Republican Juan Pablo Segura in the 31st Senate District. Most of the remaining vote appears to be mail ballots, based on data from the Virginia Public Access Project, which are more likely to be Democratic-leaning because of the partisan split in preferred voting method in the post-2020 world. Along with the seeming Democratic edge in the GOP-held 16th District, this would be enough to give Democrats 21 of 40 seats in the state Senate — should results hold.

—Geoffrey Skelley, 538

Geoffrey, as you wrote in your preview of the Virginia legislative races, Senate District 16 may have been Democrats’ easiest pickup opportunity in the state Senate. Although it had a GOP incumbent, the district voted for Democrats by 6 points in the 2021 governor’s race and 10 points in 2022 House races. The real test for the party will be winning that 21st seat. Perhaps their best bet is Senate District 31 in the D.C. exurbs, where they currently lead 51 percent to 49 percent.

—Nathaniel Rakich, 538

With 74 percent of the expected vote in, Beshear is still leading Cameron by 4 points, 52 to 48 percent. It's still early, but it's a promising sign for the incumbent.

—Monica Potts, 538

We're starting to see some early votes trickle in from the New Jersey state legislative races. In the 11th Legislative District, which is one of the state's most competitive, we've got a bit of votes counted but it's all early in-person and mail-in. Democratic state Sen. Vin Gopal is locked in a nasty fight with GOP challenger Steve Dnistrian. While Gopal leads 72 to 27 percent, per Monmouth County's elections reporting site, that will come down as election day ballots are counted.

—Jacob Rubashkin, Inside Elections

Brandon Presley is trying to pull off an upset in Mississippi, which hasn’t elected a Democratic governor since 1999. To do that, he’ll need strong support from Black voters, who are the bedrock of the Democratic Party in the South. Mississippi has the highest proportion of Black residents of any state in the nation at 38 percent, but they are underrepresented in the electorate, usually coming in at around 30 percent of voters. In 2020, Black voters made up 29 percent of the electorate according to the A.P. VoteCast. To win, Presley probably needs Black voters to make up around 35 percent of the electorate. But turnout has only approached that level in elections where Democrats have had a Black candidate at the top of the ticket, specifically Barack Obama in 2012, when Black voters were 36 percent of the electorate, and Mike Espy in 2018’s Senate special election, when Black voters were 32.5 percent of the electorate. (And this wasn’t enough to boost either candidate to victory — Presley, who is white, would also need far greater support from white voters than Obama and Espy received.)

While the Presley campaign has invested significantly in Black voter turnout and worked to court Black voters in a way that 2019 Democratic gubernatorial nominee Jim Hood did not, he’s up against some serious structural hurdles. Mississippi has one of the most restrictive felony disenfranchisement laws in the nation owing to provisions of its 1890 constitution, which was written in large part to restrict Black residents from exercising their recently obtained right to vote. A 2020 study found that one in six Black Mississippians are ineligible to vote under state law because of felony convictions. While a federal appeals court panel this summer ordered the state to stop enforcing the disenfranchisement law, that decision has been vacated pending an en banc appeal to the full 5th Circuit, so residents who would have regained their rights are back in limbo.

—Jacob Rubashkin, Inside Elections