I could see Trone attempting to quell the "more electable because I'm wealthier" thinking by opening up his own pockets for Alsobrooks directly. He seemed willing to self-fund if need be. In fact, I was at an event of his in Silver Spring last week where he said he would spend "whatever it takes" to beat Hogan. Money where his mouth is could do Alsobrooks serious good, both for the narrative, and for the war chest, candidly.

—Brittany Shepherd, ABC News

Nathaniel, here's where I think the Trone electability argument ultimately fell short. This guy spent $62 million blanketing the state with positive advertising nonstop from September until today. If voters were going to respond to what he was offering, they would have done so already. The fact that by the end he was performing pretty similarly to Alsobrooks in head-to-head matchups against Hogan, and that his image was actually worse than Alsobrooks statewide, suggests to me that his money wouldn't have done him all that many favors in the general election. I still think he would have won, but only because I think any Democrat with a pulse and a decent voting record can win a Senate race in Maryland.

—Jacob Rubashkin, Inside Elections

The Democratic primary for Maryland Senate has focused heavily on electability, with Trone arguing that Democrats should nominate him because he’ll have an easier time beating Hogan in the fall, whereas nominating Alsobrooks would risk giving Republicans a pickup opportunity. However, I’m skeptical that Hogan really has a shot in a state as blue as Maryland, no matter who Democrats nominate. What do you guys think?

—Nathaniel Rakich, 538

With 41 percent of the expected vote reporting, Alsobrooks now leads Trone 53 percent to 43 percent, and we're starting to see projections for her from some outlets, such as the Associated Press. Probably the biggest sign of Alsobrooks's edge is that she's leading outright in places beyond the majority- or plurality-Black localities of Prince George's County (her home base), Baltimore City and Charles County.

In the last two open-seat Senate races in Maryland in 2006 and 2016, the Democratic primary featured one major Black candidate and one major white contender, and in each race the Black aspirant only carried those three places. But this time around, Alsobrooks is ahead in Baltimore County and running basically even with Trone in his home base of Montgomery County. All of this adds up to a lead that looks likely to hold up at this point.

—Geoffrey Skelley, 538

According to the Center for American Women in Politics, in states where filing deadlines have passed as of April 26, 36 percent of Democratic candidates for House races and 32 percent for Senate races are women. Today in Maryland, the share is a little lower: 32 percent of Democrats running for House and two out of 10 Senate candidates are women.

That said, women are competitive in a couple of Maryland's most critical primaries — which happen to be pretty crowded. A slew of Democratic departures — in the 2nd, 3rd and 6th Congressional Districts, as well as the Senate — have contributed to a wave of hopeful nominees, including Elfreth in the 3rd District and Alsobrooks for Senate. EMILY's List, the Democratic powerhouse that supports women at the crucial primary stage, has put its muscle behind Alsobrooks with a $2 million ad buy. But, despite typically investing in pro-choice women running in competitive districts, the group hasn't made an endorsement in Elfreth's race.

Meanwhile, in West Virginia, there are no Democratic women on the ballot today, while in Nebraska, there is just one running: state Sen. Carol Blood is running unopposed in the 1st District. If the incumbent Republican, Rep. Mike Flood, wins his primary, it will be Blood versus Flood, a most ominous general election match-up. But she will likely lose this, ahem, blood-red district in November.

—Meredith Conroy, 538 contributor