Court-ordered redistricting seismically impacted the congressional map in Alabama, precipitating high-stakes primaries in the new 1st and 2nd Districts.

Under the new lines, the Democratic-leaning 2nd District runs from Mobile across much of Alabama's Black Belt. Overall, 11 Democratic hopefuls are on the ballot, but State Rep. Napoleon Bracy, state House Minority Leader Anthony Daniels and former Justice Department official Shomari Figures may be best-positioned to advance to a likely April 16 runoff. Through mid-February, Figures had raised about $299,000, second only to Daniels's $323,000. But Protect Progress, a pro-cryptocurrency super PAC backing Figures, has shelled out $1.7 million to support him, according to data from OpenSecrets. By comparison, Bracy had only raised around $106,000. Still, Bracy may have geography working for him: His home base of Mobile County constitutes 36 percent of the district's population, more than any other county.

The new map also placed two second-term GOP incumbents into a head-to-head primary for the new, dark red 1st District: Rep. Jerry Carl, who currently represents about 59 percent of the new seat's population, and Rep. Barry Moore, who represents the other 41 percent. In such a deeply Republican seat, both contenders have tried to position themselves as the truest pro-Trump conservative. Carl has had the upper hand monetarily. Across his campaign and victory committees, Carl has brought in more than $2 million, compared with Moore's $688,000. And Carl is also getting somewhat more outside support, with groups spending $1.5 million to oppose Moore and just $1.1 million to support Moore or oppose Carl. A late February survey from Auburn University at Montgomery found Carl ahead 43 percent to 35 percent, perhaps in line with Carl's slight geographic and monetary advantages.

—Geoffrey Skelley, 538

Yeah, Nathaniel, polling suggests that those endorsements could make a real difference. According to a February poll from the University of Houston Hobby School of Public Affairs, 70 percent of Republican primary voters said that Trump's endorsement would make them more likely to support a state-legislative candidate, and 64 percent said the same of Abbott's endorsement. In addition, 60 percent said that they would be less likely to support a candidate who voted against Abbott's school voucher legislation. And in a YouGov/University of Texas poll from February, a plurality of Republicans (37 percent) said that the Texas House was not justified in impeaching Paxton, compared with 28 percent who said it was justified and 35 percent who weren't sure.

—Mary Radcliffe, 538

Sitting governors and attorneys general don't usually openly try to defeat incumbents of their own party, but Texas Gov. Greg Abbott and Attorney General Ken Paxton are just built different, I guess. Today's Texas primaries are the culmination of two separate intraparty power struggles from the past year, in which Abbott and Paxton are actively trying to defeat Republicans who have defied them in the state legislature.

In May 2023, the Texas state House impeached Paxton on charges of bribery and abuse of office. He was later acquitted by the state Senate, but he has embarked on a revenge tour against those who supported his impeachment by endorsing primary challengers to 35 incumbent Republicans.

Meanwhile, Abbott suffered a massive political defeat last year when a group of mostly rural Republican legislators blocked his top priority, a school voucher program. In what the Houston Chronicle has called a "legacy-defining" campaign, Abbott has spent more than $4 million trying to oust 10 anti-voucher Republicans running for reelection.

Even Trump has gotten in on the act: He has endorsed at least eight primary challengers to sitting representatives, all of whom either voted against vouchers or voted to impeach Paxton (who is a close Trump ally).

If Paxton, Abbott and Trump are successful, the Republican caucus in the Texas state House will look very different — and further right — next year. Throughout the night, I'll be watching for how many incumbents they successfully topple.

—Nathaniel Rakich, 538

In Los Angeles, voters will decide which candidates will face off in November for seven of its 15 city council seats. Arguably one of the most powerful city councils in the country, it's been riddled with scandal the past few years.

In 2022, leaked audio revealed then-City Council President Nury Martinez making racist comments in a meeting that included two other council members, which ultimately led to her resignation. One of the other members who was part of that conversation, Kevin de León, remains on the council after surviving months of protests, calls for his resignation (including from President Biden) and a recall attempt. Today he's running for a second four-year term against seven challengers, including two former political allies, state Assemblymembers Miguel Santiago and Wendy Carrillo. Santiago specifically has scooped up the endorsement of the key labor unions that once backed de León, as well as the Los Angeles County Democratic Party.

Overall, policing, affordable housing and homelessness are big issues in the city, the second largest in the nation, and how the council decides to handle those issues in the future could help set the tone for the rest of the country. Today's elections could help decide, in part, how progressive the council will be: In other races, business interests have been targeting progressive Councilmember Nithya Raman, and spending to bolster the council's only non-Democrat, independent John Lee, who faces an ethics probe and a more progressive challenger.

—Monica Potts, 538

Back in late January, we wondered if the 2024 Republican presidential primary might be the shortest in modern history. But because Haley continued to contest the race until Super Tuesday, the competitive period of this year's GOP contest ended up falling short of setting any records. Still, it was undoubtedly on the quick side, historically.

The 2024 Republican race lasted 52 days from Iowa through today, during which time all states and the District of Columbia held 25 contests. The March 6 effective end date puts it just behind the record earliest end of a nomination season (March 3 in the 2004 Democratic contest) and the number of state-level elections (19 in the 2000 Democratic race). Nonetheless, going back to the 1976 election cycle, this year's Republican campaign was much shorter than the median number of competitive days (85 days), state-level contests (39) and end date (April 9).

To be clear, measuring the effective end date of a nomination race's competitive period is not always cut and dry, although it was this time around. We based our approach on political scientist Caitlin Jewitt's work on presidential primary competition, which classified a candidate as their party's presumptive nominee either when all viable opponents have dropped out or when they clinch a delegate majority from the results of primaries and caucuses. In Trump's case, Haley was his last viable opponent.

—Geoffrey Skelley, 538