Last month, the Wisconsin Supreme Court — which now has a liberal majority following the election of Justice Janet Protasiewicz last year — ruled that the state's legislative maps, which give Republicans a stark advantage, were unconstitutional and ordered them redrawn. But there wasn't a similar case pending against the state's congressional map, which also favors Republicans — until now.

On Tuesday, emboldened by that earlier ruling, a Democratic-aligned law firm filed a lawsuit against the congressional map, arguing that it was drawn according to a "least-change" mandate from the court that is no longer binding. (Back in 2021, the court ordered both the congressional and state-legislative maps to be drawn with as few changes as possible from the previous decade's maps.) The firm is hoping to have new districts in place in time for the 2024 election, though with Wisconsin's filing deadline coming up in early June, that seems like an ambitious timeline.

Wisconsin's congressional map currently consists of six Republican-leaning seats and two Democratic-leaning seats despite the state's competitive nature. Democrats are hoping that a more proportional map could give them a shot to pick up two more seats in the Badger State.

On Monday, Louisiana's Republican-controlled legislature convened a special session that will primarily focus on redrawing the state's congressional map. The legislature's gathering came in response to a federal ruling that the current lines violate the Voting Rights Act, which ordered the state to draw a second majority-Black seat among the state's six districts. At present, Louisiana has just one majority-Black seat, the 2nd District, which runs from New Orleans to Baton Rouge. Due to racially-polarized voting, any map with a second majority-Black district is guaranteed to provide Democrats with a good chance of capturing a second Louisiana seat, a result that would cut the GOP's advantage in the Pelican State from 5-1 to 4-2.

Legislators have proposed multiple maps, but each takes a different approach to drawing a second majority-Black seat. Two Republican-drawn maps exemplify this. In the state House of Representatives, one plan would keep both seats in central and southern Louisiana, with a New Orleans-based district that President Biden would've carried by 33 percentage points in 2020 and a Biden +14 seat around Baton Rouge. Alternatively, a state Senate proposal supported by Republican Gov. Jeff Landry would create a Biden +19 "slash" district that stretches from Baton Rouge to Shreveport in the northwestern part of the state, with a Biden +36 New Orleans-based seat in the southeast.

How the legislature draws a second seat will help determine the fates of Republican Reps. Garrett Graves and Julia Letlow. Some legislators have prioritized preserving Letlow's position as the state's lone woman in Congress, and both of the Republican proposals above largely keep her seat intact. For his part, Graves supported one of Landry's GOP opponents in the 2023 gubernatorial race, which may cost him politically as both GOP proposals would reshape Graves's 6th District into a majority-Black seat. Conversely, Democratic map proposals in the legislature would convert Letlow's 5th District into a majority-Black seat that largely runs north from Baton Rouge along the Mississippi River.

Some Republicans, including House Speaker Mike Johnson, who represents Louisiana's 4th District, have stated their preference to keep fighting the order to redraw the map because of the likelihood that a new map will cost the GOP a seat in the closely-divided U.S. House. But early indications out of the legislature suggest Louisiana will produce new lines with a second majority-Black seat.

On Thursday, the federal judge who had struck down Georgia’s old congressional map as a racial gerrymander gave his stamp of approval to the new congressional map passed earlier this month by the Georgia legislature. The map will now go into effect for the 2024 election, although Democrats who are unhappy with the decision may still try to challenge it in court.

In response to the judge’s finding that the old map discriminated against Black voters, the new map creates a new majority-Black district, the 6th, in the western Atlanta suburbs — but it achieved this by dismantling a different majority-minority district, the 7th, in the eastern suburbs. As a result, the partisan breakdown of Georgia’s districts remains nine Republican-leaning seats and five Democratic-leaning ones.

Democrats, who of course wouldn’t mind flipping one of those Republican seats, have insisted that the old 7th District, whose voting-age population was 33 percent white, 30 percent Black and 21 percent Hispanic, was protected by the Voting Rights Act, and may continue to press their case against this new map. In the meantime, though, all eyes are on Democratic Rep. Lucy McBath, who currently represents the 7th District and would almost certainly lose if she seeks reelection there. She could either retire or decide to run in the new 6th, despite the fact that she does not live there.

For months, the U.S. House delegation from New York has been waiting to hear whether they’d run in the same districts in 2024 as they did in 2022. Now, they have their answer — or, at least part of it.

On Tuesday, New York’s Court of Appeals, the state’s highest court, ordered the Independent Redistricting Commission to submit a revised congressional redistricting plan to the state Legislature, based on data from the 2020 Census. But what that map looks like — and which incumbents could find themselves in competitive seats — remains to be seen. The court order requested that the IRC submit a new map to the state legislature “on the earliest possible date,” with a firm deadline of Feb. 28.

Much of the drama in the coming months will center around local politics, with conflicting personalities and interests complicating what should be a relatively mundane process. But New York is home to five Republican freshmen who represent districts that Biden carried — plus former Rep. George Santos’ now-vacant seat in a sixth district that Biden carried. With Democrats in need of five additional House seats to win the majority, the race for the House runs straight through the Empire State.

But there’s little reason to expect the IRC to agree on a map this time around, when it failed to do so just two years ago. That would put map-drawing back into the hands of the state legislature — and, most likely, back into a series of court cases poking holes at the constitutionality of the new lines.

“It’s likely that there will be litigation unless both major political parties agree on a deal,” said Blair Horner, executive director of New York Public Interest Research Group, adding, “It’s hard to imagine why the Republicans would agree to any deal, given that the stakes are so high because control of the House may well run through New York in 2024.”

At least one more House race will be held on the current maps: the special election to replace Santos, scheduled for Feb. 13. In that race, county party leaders select the nominees in lieu of a traditional primary.

The big question now is which New York Republicans end up getting the short end of the stick. As Democrats celebrated the court’s decision, Rep. Mike Lawler, one of the freshman Republicans who represents a district that Biden carried, spoke out against it, characterizing it as a “pathetic” ploy meant to favor Democrats. Another Biden-district freshman Republican, Rep. Marc Molinaro said of the decision, “There’s nothing fair about this.”

Utah’s congressional map may need to be redrawn as well if a lawsuit currently before the Utah Supreme Court is successful.

In 2021, the Republican-controlled legislature drew a map that split Democratic-leaning Salt Lake County among all four of Utah’s congressional districts — a technique known as “cracking.” The lawsuit claims that this is a partisan gerrymander that violates the state constitution. Plaintiffs are also arguing that the legislature unconstitutionally defied the will of the people in 2020 when it watered down an anti-gerrymandering ballot measure that voters passed in 2018.

The Utah Supreme Court heard initial arguments in the case in July and have since asked for more arguments from both sides. But it’s unknown when the next round of arguments will be or when the court will rule. If the lawsuit is successful, it could result in Democrats picking up one seat in Utah, since any district anchored around the Salt Lake City area is likely to lean blue.